War Eagles: Auburn University?s Tradition of Training Soldiers by Daniel Garrison McCal A thesis submited to the Graduate Faculty of Auburn University in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Auburn, Alabama May 4, 2014 Reserve Oficers? Training Corps, Army, Auburn University, Specialized Training Program, Summer Camp, Land-grant Copyright 2014 by Daniel McCal Approved by Mark Sheftal, Asistant Profesor of History Charles Israel, Asociate Dean for Academic Afairs and Asociate Profesor of History David Carter, Asociate Profesor of History ii Abstract As a land-grant university, Auburn University maintains a tradition of training American soldiers. Its Army Reserve Oficers? Training Corps (ROTC) unit was once central to campus life, but in 1969 the university eliminated its mandatory ROTC program. Having offered a remarkable contribution to national defense, as a case study Auburn University Army ROTC embodies an exceptional microcosm for understanding how the United States government has prepared the Army to fight wars requiring mas mobilization. With the old model of cadet training based upon raising a mas army to fight wars in the industrial age and the new model based upon fighting wars with more powerful weaponry but fewer personnel in the modern age of science and technology, examining how these developments within the Army interrelate to the evolution of Auburn University Army ROTC provides an opportunity to consider the significance of how Auburn?s commitment as a land-grant university to supporting ROTC has remained constant, although the centrality of Army ROTC to campus life is dramaticaly diferent. iii Table of Contents Abstract ............................................................................................................................... ii List of Tables ..................................................................................................................... iv List of Illustrations ...............................................................................................................v Introduction ........................................................................................................................1 Chapter 1. The Establishment of the Army Reserve Oficers? Training Corps ..................6 Chapter 2. The Interwar Years ..........................................................................................43 Chapter 3. World War II ...................................................................................................78 Chapter 4. The Decentering of ROTC ............................................................................104 Auburn University Army ROTC (1945-1965) ....................................................105 Auburn University Army ROTC (1965-1974) ....................................................109 Conclusion .....................................................................................................................139 References ......................................................................................................................152 iv List of Tables Table 1. Auburn University war efort as of June 5, 1944 ..............................................101 v List of Illustrations Illustration 1 ......................................................................................................................58 Illustration 2 ......................................................................................................................65 Illustration 3 ......................................................................................................................85 Illustration 4 ......................................................................................................................87 1 Introduction Auburn University maintains a long and distinguished tradition of training American soldiers. Unfortunately, the memory of this proud legacy is mostly forgotten today by members of the younger generation. Although alumni who graduated from the university prior to the fal of 1969 - when the university required al able bodied male students to enroll in either the Army or the Air Force basic course Reserve Oficers? Training Corps (ROTC) ? may recal the prominent role that Army ROTC once played on the Auburn University campus, most individuals presently only think of the university in terms of its footbal team or its distinguished academic standing. The reality is that Army ROTC at Auburn University was once a fundamental institution of the campus that tremendously influenced the student body, faculty, administrators, and visitors. 1 The Auburn University Army ROTC program also represented a remarkable contribution to national defense. For example, many people understandably recognize The Citadel: The Military College of South Carolina as a powerhouse for producing future leaders of the Army, yet during the 1955-1956 school year Auburn University commisioned more Army officers than the Citadel. 2 Similarly, enthusiasts of the Texas A&M Corps of Cadets enjoy bragging about their proud military tradition; however, concerning the contribution of Auburn Army ROTC to mobilization during World War II, Executive Secretary R. B. Draughon aserted in 1942 that, ?as a result of our ROTC 1 Although this paper constitutes what is primarily a history of Army ROTC at Auburn University, it uses 2 Chart of ROTC Units Third Army Area: Schol Year 56-57, box 25, ?ROTC, Misc., 1956-57,? Pres. Draughon Papers. For 195-1956, Auburn University commisioned 149 officers, while the Citadel produced 143. For those interested, these 149 from Auburn University were comisioned during a schol year when ?net resident enrolment? for the university consisted of 834 men and 2486 women. For more information se Ralph Draughon, President?s Oficial Report to the Board of Trustes, November 1, 1957, box 25, ?Draughon, President?s Oficial Report to the Board of Trustes, November 1, 1957,? Pres. Draughon Papers. 2 program we believe we have as high a percentage of officers in proportion to the number of students trained as any institution in the country, even including Texas A. & M.? Indeed, their 1942 graduating clas commisioned 177 men who later served on active duty in the Army. 3 Finaly, as a case study, Army ROTC at Auburn University embodies an exceptional microcosm for understanding how the United States government has prepared the Army to fight wars requiring mas mobilization. The reason lies with its outstanding history of training soldiers, with its status as a land grant university ? which means that by federal law Auburn University must provide military training to students ?, and with its relationship to the continuum of evolving factors afecting Army ROTC training. As wil be fully explained in chapter 1, Army ROTC style instruction and the military training mandate for land grant colleges and universities have the same origin: Norwich University. Senator Justin Morril employed the example of military training at Norwich as his guide when inserting the military training mandate into his bil establishing land grant universities. Pased during the egregious mobilization dificulties of the Civil War, which resulted in part from a deficiency in qualified officers, Morril?s bil establishing land grant colleges and universities represented the first major atempt by the United States government to create an efective reserve force of personnel possesing military training. Despite these eforts, land grant colleges and universities never realized the entirety of Morril?s vision for military training until the National Defense Act of 1916 bestowed a truly capable infrastructure for delivering valuable military training to students: ROTC. Conversely, land grant colleges and universities would later grant 3 R.B. Draughon to President C. B. Hodges of Louisiana State University, October 19, 1942, box 6, file 216, ?Duncan, ROTC, Miscelaneous, 1940-47,? Pres. Duncan Papers. 3 valuable aid to the Army ROTC program by enthusiasticaly supporting ROTC and by resisting the movement against collegiate military training that, continuing from the 1920s to the present, seks to obstruct the mision of Army ROTC. Additionaly, 2013 marked the beginning of a dramatic transformation in how the United States Army Cadet Command (USACC) approaches cadet training. 4 With the old model of cadet training based upon raising a mas army to fight wars in the industrial age and the new model based upon fighting wars with more powerful weaponry but fewer personnel in the modern age of science and technology, examining how the transformed Army ROTC program might afect Auburn University provides a useful opportunity to ponder what are the most significant diferences betwen the past and present forms of Army ROTC on the Auburn University campus. In order to create a holistic narrative of soldier training at Auburn University, this thesis considers the interconnected relationship betwen four main groups: (1) the Auburn University Army ROTC War Eagle Batalion ? principaly focusing upon cadre members and the instruction they provided; (2) the university community ? chiefly regarding students but including university personnel, visitors, alumni, and members of the surrounding communities; (3) the leading administrators of the university; and (4) the federal government ? primarily concerning the strategic plans and directives of the War Department/Department of Defense. The result is a history that primarily focuses on how representative individuals afected or responded to experience. Since few individuals have writen about the history of Army ROTC and virtualy no one has published articles or books on the history of a specific Army ROTC program, 4 United States Army Cadet Comand, USACC Strategic Plan 2013, Major General Jeforey A. Smith, 2013. 4 this project represents a noteworthy addition to the historiography. Acordingly, this paper relies principaly upon primary sources to construct the narrative. The following are the most important source bases: the Auburn Plainsman, the Glomerata, the records of past presidents of Auburn University, Auburn University course catalogues, and interviews. The Auburn Plainsman and Glomerata contribute considerably to understanding the role that Army ROTC played in the culture of the Auburn University campus community. The records of past university presidents furnish the majority of material pertaining to the War Eagle Batalion itself and to the leading university administrators. Being necesary to establish the background context for how national and international events influenced soldier training at Auburn University, secondary sources abound almost exclusively in Chapter 1. Four chapters comprise the substance of this historical acount. To introduce the topic, Chapter 1 covers approximately from the 1860s to the end of World War I, and it examines the search by members of the federal government for an efective means of furnishing the nation with a competent reserve force of officers who could rapidly mobilize in time of war. The chapter also analyzes how these eforts influenced the nature of military training at Auburn University. Chapter 2, using isues of the Auburn Plainsman as its primary source, discusses the interwar years and demonstrates that during this time period university personnel and the ROTC cadre combined to establish Army ROTC as an ever-present fixture of campus community life. Chapter 3 considers the performance of the Auburn University ROTC program during World War II, the additional Army training programs that the War Department established on the campus as part of the war efort, and the wartime strengthening of the bond betwen Army ROTC 5 and the university. Chapter 4 chronicles the dramatic transformation of the centrality of Auburn University ROTC to the Auburn campus, with the university administration in 1969 instituting a voluntary program to replace the mandatory one. The conclusion offers a ?then and now? discussion of Army ROTC, analyzing the changes sustained by the program since the end of mandatory ROTC at Auburn University. It subsequently considers the manner in which the dramatic post-2013 transformations of ROTC wil modify the experience of cadre in the War Eagle Batalion. The sincere desire is that as a result of reading these chapters, individuals wil recognize the contribution of Auburn University Army ROTC to national defense, the integral role of Army ROTC to Auburn University as a land grant university, and that Auburn University represents a fine case study through which to acquire a holistic understanding of the history of Army ROTC at land-grant universities. 6 The Establishment of the Army Reserve Oficers? Training Corps Since founded in 1872 by the State of Alabama as a land grant university, Auburn University has maintained an inalienable connection to military training. The heritage of this military tradition at Auburn University began imediately, with its administrators managing the university as a military institute, yet the foundation of that tradition rests with its identity as a land grant university. Based on lesons learned during the Civil War, the intent behind military training at land-grant universities was to furnish the nation with a competent reserve force of officers who could facilitate rapid mas mobilization in time of war, but it was not until the introduction of the Reserve Oficers? Training Corps (ROTC) program at Auburn University in 1916 that the university finaly began to fulfil the fundamental intent of its military training. No longer an informal program in which students acquired litle actual military training beyond that of dril and ceremony, the implementation of Army ROTC meant that for the first time in its history Auburn University would substantively contribute to providing a qualified reserve of trained personnel that the Army might cal upon in time of national emergency. Nevertheles, this convergence of ROTC and military training at land grant universities could not materialize until the innovation of Gen. Leonard Wood, who exemplified the Army?s quest during the early twentieth century for increased profesionalization and realisticaly conceived war preparation. Despite the apathy generaly displayed by members of Congres and the Army toward his training ideas, Wood tirelesly advocated his unique vision of ROTC style military officer training with the aim of producing an excelent model for training future officers. In 1916, the National Defense Act formaly authorized the type of student military training program that Wood had been promoting for several 7 years. In response to its pasage, Auburn University enthusiasticaly and promptly implemented Army ROTC. The forthcoming dictates of wartime witnesed the temporary disbandment of that program at Auburn University - in place of Student Army Training Corps, which the War Department established on its campus. Upon reinstatement at the end of World War I, the War Department firmly implanted Army ROTC at Auburn University, enabling it to become a basic component of the identity of the university. One cannot fully appreciate the history of the Army ROTC military tradition at Auburn University without cognizance of these national and international events that were necesary in order to bring about the introduction of Army ROTC at Auburn University, which signified a dramatic transformation in officer training methodology. Understanding this background history is also important because it efectively demonstrates the foundational reasons for why Auburn University Army ROTC serves as an excelent microcosm through which to examine the proces by which the United States government prepared the Army to fight wars of mas mobilization. As wil later in the chapter be explained in detail, Auburn University Army ROTC is valuable for this type of analysis primarily because of its status as a land-grant university and because of its imediate adoption of Army ROTC. This chapter considers the multifaceted course of events that led to the implementation of Army ROTC at Auburn University. Acording to a history published by United States Army Cadet Command, modern Army ROTC originated with the program of military instruction taught by the American Literary, Scientific, and Military Academy - present day Norwich University. Before founding the university in 1819, Alden Partridge had served as the superintendent of the United States Military Academy at West Point, and under his guidance Norwich 8 became the first civilian university to teach military science in concert with its regular curriculum. 5 Partridge was a close neighbor and friend of Vermont Senator Justin S. Morril, and they conferred together on how the federal government could best respond to America?s educational needs. 6 As Morril constructed his own beliefs on how the government should best foster education, Partridge?s influence over Morril apparently played a significant role. During the late 1850s Morril perceived the growing need for the creation of American industrial schools that could teach agricultural and mechanical skills ? schools that would operate in a similar manner to the English industrial institutions of this time period. 7 He believed that America?s steadily declining agricultural industry during the 1840s and 1850s resulted from a lack of understanding and expertise on the part of farmers. Morril aserted that only federal intervention could rectify this untenable situation. 8 Therefore, on December 17, 1857, he introduced into Congres a ?Bil Granting Lands for Agricultural Colleges.? 9 Despite the fact that it pased the House and Senate, President Buchanan vetoed the bil because he sympathized with Southerners who thought the bil caled for a marked increase in the level of federal intervention in American society, which they did not want in the South. 10 Morril tried again in 1861, introducing the Land-Grant College Act on December 16. 11 This second bil, difering 5 Arthur T. Coumbe and Le S. Harford, U.S. Army Cadet Comand: The 10 Year History (Fort Monroe, Va: Office of the Comand Historian, U.S. Army Cadet Comand), 196, 7-8. 6 Coumbe, ?U.S. Army Cadet Comand,? 9; J. B. Edmond, The Magnificent Charter: The Origin and Role of the Morril Land-Grant Coleges and Universities (Hicksvile, N.Y.: Exposition Pres, 1978), 19. 7 Coy F. Cros, Justin Smith Moril: Father of the Land-Grant Coleges (East Lansing: Michigan State University Pres, 199), 79. 8 Cros, ?Justin Smith Moril,? 80-81. 9 Ibid., 79. 10 Richard Franklin Bensel, Yanke Leviathan: The Origins of Central State Authority in America, 1859- 1877 (Cambridge, Mas: Cambridge University, 190), 69; Cross, ?Justin Smith Moril,? 82-83. 11 Cros, ?Justin Smith Moril,? 83. 9 slightly from the original, gave each state 30,000 acres of federal land for each member it sent to congres, and the bil alocated the proceds of that land to finance a minimum of one industrial and agricultural college in every state. 12 Southern secesion removed most of the original bil?s opponents and alowed the new bil to pas easily with President Lincoln signing it into law on July 2, 1862; however, the exigencies of wartime prompted Morril to insert an important new stipulation into his bil. 13 The act stipulated that land- grant colleges teach subjects predominantly related to the agricultural and mechanical arts as wel as provide a general curriculum of instruction in science, the clasics, and military tactics. 14 With the onset of the Civil War, the United States Army had expanded operations to an unprecedented level. Initial wartime demands caled for the mobilization of 20,000 officers, but West Point and Norwich combined could only contribute 1,500. The Army?s desperate need for officers meant that most regiments possesed inexperienced officers having litle or no training. In response, Congres sought to overcome this deficiency in leadership, which culminated in Morril inserting into his bil the requirement for al land- grant colleges to teach military leadership. During their first several years of operation, land-grant colleges provided military training that was incapable of complying with Army standards. Although veterans, the trainers were first-and-foremost regular academic profesors; they taught military leadership as an after thought to their other duties, which hurt the programs. The most training that students typicaly received was in dril, and often this was conducted at an 12 Coumbe, ?U.S. Army Cadet Comand,? 9. 13 Coumbe, ?U.S. Army Cadet Comand,? 9; Edmond, ?The Magnificent Charter,? 21. 14 Justin Moril, Transcript of Moril Act (1862). U.S. National Archives & Records Administration, http:/ww.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?doc=33&page=transcript (acesed December 5, 2012). Emphasis Added. 10 extremely elementary level. These programs further suffered from a lack of definitive purpose, of equipment, and of such basic items as uniforms. It is possible to conclude that even if this program had been able to produce officers in time to enter the war, such officers would have likely not been any more competent than existing leadership. 15 After the Civil War, Congres enacted several steps to improve military instruction at the land-grant coleges. 16 In 1866 Congres approved the alocation of Army officers to land-grant colleges that maintained no les than 150 male pupils. 17 Congres made alowance in 1870 for the provision of smal arms and equipment to these programs, and it approved other beneficial changes as wel. After 1880, retired officers could teach these military courses, and 1892 witnesed the dispatch of 100 Army officers to serve as military science instructors at land-grant institutions. 18 Not withstanding these atempts to improve military instruction at these universities, the contribution of the land- grant to the nation?s defense needs were generaly inadequate. With the cadre at each diferent university operating under minimal guidelines from the War Department, each program was diferent. 19 Often the instruction emphasized dril to the exclusion of teaching useful combat skils. 20 The military training at these institutions defined their male students? college experiences in many ways. Al students were cadets whose daily routine was determined by the university?s faculty or board of trustes. At al land-grant universities, military training was compulsory for males throughout their freshman and sophomore years. A 15 Coumbe, ?U.S. Army Cadet Comand,? 9. 16 Ibid., 9. 17 James E. Polard, Military Training in the Land-Grant Coleges and Universities, With Special Reference to the R.O.T.C. Program (Washington, D.C.: Asociation of State Universities and Land-Grant Coleges, 1964), 15. 18 Coumbe, ?U.S. Army Cadet Comand,? 9. 19 Ibid., 10. 20 Ibid., 1. 11 noteworthy distinction is that land-grant colleges in the North typicaly favored a relaxed atmosphere that restrained the extent to which military training interfered in the lives of their students; often, these cadets only wore the uniform during periods of military instruction and training. In contrast, land-grant universities in the South usualy exalted their warrior-leader training with much greater emphasis; for example, southern cadets almost always remained in uniform. 21 On March 20, 1872, Alabama Governor Robert Lindsay and his board of directors established the Agricultural and Mechanical College of the State of Alabama on the site of what had been the East Alabama Male College. 22 (What started as the Agricultural and Mechanical College of the State of Alabama later became the Alabama Polytechnic Institute, which in turn eventualy asumed the title of Auburn University. To avoid confusion, this paper hereafter refers to the university using its present name.) As Alabama?s first land-grant university, Auburn University fully embodied its status as a land grant university through its curriculum. 23 Initialy, the university sustained its military training mandate through the formation of two cadet companies. By 1898 Auburn University had expanded to the extent that it organized the cadets within a batalion. 24 Auburn University cadets lived under a highly regimented system. For example, they could not leave campus on the wekends and had to be in bed by 2200 hours. In 1909 the university had further grown such that its cadets composed a regiment. 21 Edmond, ?The Magnificent Charter,? 165. 22 Wiliam Waren Rogers, ?The Founding of Alabama?s Land Grant Colege at Auburn,? Alabama Review 40, no. 1 (Jan 1987): 35. 23 Kathryn Lindsay Anderson Wade, ?The Intent and Fulfilment of the Moril Act of 1862: A Review of the History of Auburn University and the University of Georgia? (Master?s thesis, Auburn University, 2005), 68-71. 24 John H. Napier II, ?How They Put the ?War? in War Eagle Being a Short History of the Military at A.P.I.,? 1958, 2, Auburn University Special Collections & Archives ? Non-circulating colection, Auburn, Alabama. 12 That same year the university also created the Department of Military Science and Tactics. 25 In 1915, one year before Congres pased its bil establishing the Reserve Oficers? Training Corps (ROTC), Auburn University was holding true to its status as a land grant university. Under the leadership of president Charles Thach, by the 1915-1916 school year Auburn University boasted a thriving academic community of 880 students. While most of these students were local to Alabama, some arrived from other states and a few from countries such as China, Mexico, and Russia. 26 In acordance with the Morril Act and as explained in the university catalogue, ?The leading object of the Institute?is to teach the principles and the applications of science.? Thus, a large number of these students engaged in scientific and technological studies, with especial focus ?to those that relate to agriculture and the mechanic arts.? 27 Auburn University also provided a liberal arts education through such means as the study of Latin, history and the ?mental and moral sciences?; however, the university offered only one Bachelor of Science degree, out of the ten available, that was not primarily technological or scientific in scope. 28 The ?General Course? degree granted ?a general and les technical education? for students either with no particular vocation in mind or with the desire to teach or engage in commercial busines activities. 29 Bestowing no Bachelors of Art degrees, the other bachelor degrees were in various kinds of engineering, in agriculture, in pharmacy, in chemistry and metalurgy, and in architecture. 30 25 Napier II, ?How They Put the ?War? in War Eagle,? 3. 26 Catalogue of the Alabama Polytechnic Institute, 1915, 5, 46, AU. 27 Ibid., 10. 28 Ibid., 10,61-63. 29 Ibid., 63. 30 Ibid., 61-62. 13 Although the Morril Act does not demand that land grant universities provide any specific amount of military training, Auburn University offered for every physicaly capable student, ?practical instruction in the school of the soldier, of the company, and of the batalion in close and extended order, in guard mounting, inspection, parades, reviews, etc.? 31 As a result, al able male students were inducted to the university as cadets. Comprising a regiment with two batalions and a band, President Thach was at the top of the chain of command, with Colonel Benjamin Patrick serving imediately under him as Commandant and Profesor of Military Science. 32 In addition to his general responsibilities for the entire regiment, Colonel Patrick gave special oversight to the surgeon, J. H. Drake; the Band Master, Major A. L. Thomas; and the cadet Regimental Staff. 33 As part of their military training, students could acquire leadership building opportunities and practical experience with military afairs through serving in cadet leadership positions. With 802 cadets in the program, abundant leadership slots existed. 34 The commandant selected potential cadet commisioned and cadet non- commisioned officers based upon demonstrated ?military eficiency, good conduct, and scholarship.? Cadet commisioned officers always were juniors or seniors, and ? although seniority could impact promotion ? the university emphasized a merit-based system. Hence, any cadet facing either a promotion or an appointment to a leadership position was subject to a possible examination in which university personnel would scrutinize his ?moral fitnes, including demerits.? Understandably, no cadet could remain in a leadership position if he acumulated over one hundred demerits in a single 31 Ibid., 106. 32 Ibid., 5, 52. 33 Ibid., 52. 34 Ibid., 47. 14 sesion. 35 Upon nomination by the commandant, al candidates for leadership had to await final confirmation by the university president. 36 Until one?s junior year, cadet military training consisted mostly of learning and executing the procedures for dril and ceremony. In a statement, which soldiers past and present wil likely find humorous, Auburn University posited this statement about the role of dril in a cadet?s life: There are three regular military drils each wek, and al undergraduate students, not physicaly incapacitated to bear arms, are required to engage in these exercises; privates of the senior clas are exempt. The drils are short and the duty involves no hardships. The military dril is a health-giving exercise, and its good efects in the development of the physique and improvement of the carriage of the cadet are manifest. 37 The university considered dril so important that, of those physicaly capable, only two types of students were exempt. First, senior clas privates of good report who were graduation candidates could atain an excuse from the president. Second, students who were over twenty-one when beginning college and who had received permision to focus their studies on a single field, such as agriculture or engineering, could skip dril provided that they invested the time absent in laboratory work. 38 Not only did dril represent a ?health-giving exercise,? but excelence in it also furnished a source of collective and individual pride. If selected as the soldier most capable at dril, then Auburn University honored that cadet with the Regimental Medal. To the ?Best Driled Company? for each year, the Board of Trustes awarded a sword. 39 35 Ibid., 175. 36 Ibid., 106. 37 Ibid., 175-176. 38 Ibid., 175. 39 Ibid., 179. 15 During a cadet?s junior and senior year, he began enrolling in theoretical courses taught by the Department of Military Science and Tactics. 40 In addition to regular dril, juniors studied for an hour each wek both the methods of conducting infantry dril and the procedures for handling smal arms. Seniors devoted three total credit hours a wek to the following clases: Manual of Military Science, Field Service Regulations, and Manual of Guard Duty. 41 Unfortunately, for any cadet who completed the military training and desired to serve as an officer, the university could not guarante a commision - either for the regular Army or the militia. In terms of formal proceses whereby one could atain a commision, the best hope for such a cadet was for the university to include him with the names of cadets demonstrating extraordinary military service capability, which Auburn University submited to the Adjutant General of the Army and to the Adjutant General of a cadet?s respective state. 42 Although no guaranted promise of military service, it was beter than nothing. At a university where the educational model follows that of a military institute, one should not be surprised to find regulations corresponding to the discipline inherent in such a program. With a simple statement provided in the catalogue for 1915-1916, Auburn University explained the rationale behind its regulations: ?While every atention is given to the mental discipline of the students?their moral and Christian training wil always constitute the prominent care and thought of the faculty.? In other words, the ?institute thus endeavors to educate as wel as to instruct, to form character as wel as 40 Ibid., 106-107. 41 Ibid., 107. 42 Ibid., 106. This ocured at a time when the United States Military Academy represented the only colegiate program for training officers that was formaly conected to the United States Military. 16 give information of value.? 43 Some of the regulations were clearly of a military nature. For example, when clases were in sesion, al cadets wore a gray uniform ? the same type worn by West Point cadets.? 44 Additionaly, whether lodged at Smith Dining Hal or with a family from the local community, students not only enjoyed the protective and advantageous efects of living with a family, but they also faced the constant hazard of inspection for possible rule violations. In every house was a university appointed inspector who periodicaly reported to the commandant. 45 Auburn University prohibited students from transporting or consuming alcohol on campus, and they could not posses firearms other than those related to their military duties. Even the students? recreational activities were subject to approval. University policy required that students atain faculty consent before partaking in publicaly available recreational events. Given the popularity of collegiate footbal ? even at this early stage in the history of Auburn University ? another intriguing regulation stipulated that students could not publicaly play footbal without parental consent. 46 In order to appreciate the transition of military training at Auburn University from its decentralized, non-standardized roots into the formal, uniform program of the Reserve Oficers? Training Corps, one must understand the role of national and international afairs in the development and pasage of the 1916 National Defense Act. In the 1910s, presure from military and university officials, who sought a more profesional system of military training, combined with American society?s rising defense concerns which would become markedly more powerful in the years leading up to America?s entrance 43 Ibid., 10. 44 Ibid., 106, 174. 45 Ibid., 175. 46 Ibid., 174. 17 into the First World War. To create this transformation, the result was a nation-wide officer program that at Auburn University comprised a high level of conformity to national military standards while concurrently reinforcing its identity as a land grant university. In the years of the twentieth century preceding World War I, military training at universities was typicaly disorganized and inefective. In acordance with the dictates of the Morril Act, land grant universities continued offering military training, and by 1900 most of them required students to participate for at least one year. 47 While some private and public institutions also provided military training, as Arthur Coumbe and Le Harford explain in U.S. Army Cadet Command: The 10 Year History, it was primarily at land grant universities where ?the tradition of military training?and the concept of citizen-soldier officer education became the most firmly embedded.? 48 Unfortunately, military training at al types of universities was often deficient because no uniform standard for training existed, and because the federal government possesed no supervisory role for regulating these collegiate military training programs. With each university?s cadre permited to instruct in the manner they saw fit, every program ? whether at a land grant university or otherwise ? was unique. Instead of supplying a sizable force of wel-trained civilians who could quickly fil America?s military ranks in times of national emergency, military training at civilian institutions held litle significance to the defense preparations of the nation. 49 In addition to the lack of 47 Coumbe, ?U.S. Army Cadet Comand,? 10. 48 Ibid., 10-11. 49 Ibid., 10. 18 standardized training instruction, the shortcomings among these programs also included the inability to requisition modern military equipment. 50 In 1911 a military board inspected the quality of instruction at universities where the Army had asigned officers as Profesors of Military Science, and concluded that the officers commonly fel short of their intended purpose. 51 Instead of yielding quality soldiers with officer potential, the programs principaly developed ?fine dril corps.? 52 The board argued that the problem lay with the freedom that the cadre at each university possesed, with the courses of instruction habitualy designed acording to individual concerns and not the defense needs of the nation. 53 The War Department also complained about a perceived ?indiference? that a majority of university officials exhibited toward military training. 54 Although universities might complain about the Army failing to supply training equipment, a study by the War College Division of the Army?s General Staf Corps aserted, in turn, that the universities often demonstrated tremendous apathy for military training by seldom alocating sufficient resources or infrastructure. 55 University personnel also possesed many reasons to support the creation of a more suitable system of collegiate military training. Instead of sending experienced officers to teach at the universities, the War Department typicaly asigned officers no higher than lieutenant. 56 Even at large land grant universities with thousands of cadets, the Army normaly sent just a single active duty officer to act as commandant. Additionaly, since time as a university instructor counted very litle or not at al toward 50 Michael S. Neiberg, Making Citizen-Soldiers: ROTC and the Ideology of American Military Service (Cambridge, Mas: Harvard University Pres, 200), 2; Coumbe, ?U.S. Army Cadet Comand,? 10. 51 Coumbe, ?U.S. Army Cadet Comand,? 10. 52 Ibid., 10-11. 53 Ibid., 1. 54 Ibid., 1, 307. 55 Ibid., 12. 56 Neiberg, ?Making Citizen-Soldiers,? 22. 19 one?s promotion, cadre members generaly displayed indiference towards their asignments, which adversely impacted the quality of training. 57 Another problem was that no formal relationship existed betwen these programs and the proces by which either the War Department or state militias selected and commisioned officers. 58 On average, the War Department commisioned into the Regular Army only one noteworthy cadet from each of the top ten schools with military training. With almost no opportunity to actualy apply their training through military service, low student motivation hindered efective military training. Although militias would have been a logical option for these cadets, most state militias were disdainful of college graduates; a college president outlined the problem with this statement: ??The ordinary college graduate usualy has dificulty in securing the approval of his untrained and uneducated compeers (in the militia). They naturaly look upon him as a college felow who is trying to show off what he has learned in college.? 59 Despite these shortcomings, the desire by military officials and academics for an eficacious collegiate officer training program operated in concert with American society?s partiality toward non-profesional officers in order to produce a system of military training that would satisfy al three entities. 60 To fully understand the impetus behind the Army?s newfound desire for a consolidated officer program, one must look back to the unprecedented modernization reforms of the War Department that began during President McKinley?s administration. Familiarity with this background is important for three reasons. First, it outlines the evolving culture of the Army that became increasingly focused on modernization, which 57 Coumbe, ?U.S. Army Cadet Comand,? 11. 58 Neiberg, ?Making Citizen-Soldiers,? 22. 59 Coumbe, ?U.S. Army Cadet Comand,? 12. 60 Neiberg, ?Making Citizen-Soldiers,? 22. 20 provided opportunities for unconventional leaders like General Leonard Wood to experiment with new ideas concerning military preparednes. Second, this background elaborates on the mobilization problems of the Spanish American War and the subsequent changes that it helped to inspire within the military; this is especialy salient since it represented the foundational point of reference for General Wood and Theodore Roosevelt, who were the greatest proponents of what eventualy became ROTC style collegiate training. Third, this military reform movement motivated the War Department to create the position of Army Chief of Staf. By occupying that position General Wood acquired the opportunity to test his proposal for a unique system of military training. Thanks to the reform minded desire of leadership within the War Department, which sought a more eficient and scientific military, the Army and Navy experienced a momentous cultural transformation betwen 1890 and 1910. 61 The Spanish-American War was an especialy important catalyst in this development. Despite waging a succesful campaign, the War Department?s abysmal mobilization proces in the Spanish-American War left much to be desired. The pres exposed the egregious lack of coordination, foresight, planning, and competency that characterized the haphazardly organized mobilization. In response to these alegations, the President established a commision to review the mater. The investigators determined, as one authors explains, that ?poor leadership and excesive paperwork? caused most of the problems, and they suggested that President McKinley initiate substantial reforms within the War Department. Therefore, with an opening in the position of Secretary of War, on August 1, 1899 the president appointed Elihu Root ? a prominent lawyer with proven corporate 61 Ibid., 2-23. 21 managerial skils ? whom President McKinley rightfully believed was capable of reorganizing and modernizing the department. Root?s changes proved critical in transforming the Army into a competent, wel- organized, eficient force capable of succesfully executing the increasingly complex warfare of the twentieth century. 62 The first isue he tackled was the need to improve Army leadership through an integrated system of military education. 63 Imediately following the Spanish-American War one out of every three Regular Army officers lacked even the slightest amount of formal military instruction. 64 In response, Root ordered that every Army duty station of noteworthy size maintain a school for the ongoing education of officers. Outstanding performers at these schools were, in turn, eligible to atend advanced Army training at military bases housing the primary training center for a given branch of the Army. Especialy important, Root created the Army War College, which would eventualy become the ?Army?s premier educational institution.? Root?s intent was for that institution to train the most briliant officers in the Army as wel as to provide intelectual direction and policy guidance for the Army. 65 Alongside such innovations as the exploitation of more contemporary weapons systems, the War Department also created an improved Army organization with greater centralization of decision-making, which operated in conjunction with the newly established War College in an atempt to solve the many problems confronting the military. 66 Congresional pasage of the General Staf Act of 1903 was key to this 62 US Department of the Army, I Am the Guard: A History of the Army National Guard, 1636-2000, by Michael D. Doubler, Pamphlet No. 130-1, 2011, 136. 63 Ibid., 136-137. 64 Ibid., 136. 65 Ibid., 137. 66 Neiberg, ?Making Citizen-Soldiers,? 23. 22 reform, which among other things created an Army Chief of Staf. This act was the brainchild of Root who had concluded that, with its increasing prominence as a world power, the War Department criticaly lacked strong leadership. More specificaly, Root explained that, ?Our system?makes no adequate provision for the directing brain which every army must have to work succesfully.? 67 For inspiration, Root examined European militaries, finding an excelent model in the German Great General Staf, which embodied the highest standard of military eficiency atained by any nation at that time. 68 The Great General Staf had demonstrated its potency during the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871, and Root began considering how to incorporate a similar leadership apparatus in such a manner that corresponded with the American military system. The result was the General Staf Act, which established a General Staf Corps with an alocated maximum of forty-five officers to serve in the War Department. Replacing the position of Commanding General of the Army, the principle role of the new Army Chief of Staf was to overse the staf and to act as chief adviser to the secretary of war. Acording to historian Michael Doubler, this ?new staf made significant gains in improving oficer education, field maneuvers, inteligence gathering, and mobilization planning.? Also of noteworthy importance, the General Staf Act formaly authorized the Army War College and legitimized its significance. 69 The ongoing modernization proces of the War Department notably coincided with the Progresive Movement. In Against the Specter of a Dragon; The Campaign for American Military Preparednes, 1914-1917, John Finnegan aserts that in order to understand fully the reform initiatives that soldiers and civilians espoused on behalf of 67 US Department of the Army, ?I Am the Guard,? 137. 68 Ibid., 137-138. 69 US Department of the Army, ?I Am the Guard,? 138. 23 the War Department one must recognize the influence exerted upon them by the Progresive Movement, which emphasized the need to ?rationalize and democratize American life.? 70 Finnegan explains that military Progresivism exhibited a diferent afect upon the mindset of soldiers than it did upon their civilian counterparts. Although a majority of civilian Progresives believed that the Progresive Movement was ushering in a new era of world peace, Army officers within the Progresive Movement ? who were typicaly more skeptical of such claims ? sought to apply the principles of the movement to developing a more eficient and fully prepared military. 71 General Leonard Wood exemplified this influence of the Progresive Movement upon the Army. Serving as Army Chief of Staf from 1910 to 1914, Wood was distinct from most Army officers in that he was not a formaly trained career soldier. As a graduate of Harvard Medical School, he had worked as a physician at the White House, but during the Spanish-American War Wood began his military career by voluntering in Theodore Roosevelt?s Rough Riders, eventualy becoming colonel of that unit. 72 Remaining in the Army after the war, Wood continued to advance up the military ranks thanks to his relationships with prominent politicians like Roosevelt and McKinley. 73 As an idealistic, ambitious, and highly competent Chief of Staf, Wood promoted several reforms that would exhibit a lasting influence upon the Army, especialy in regard to the education of future officers. 74 70 John Patrick Finegan, Against the Specter of a Dragon; The Campaign for American Military Preparednes, 1914-1917 (Westport, Con: Greenwod Pres, 1974), 9. 71 Ibid., 10. 72 Ibid., 1. 73 John Whiteclay Chambers, To Raise an Army: The Draft Comes to Modern America (New York: Free Pres, 1987), 78. 74 Finegan, ?Against the Specter,? 11; Chambers, To Raise an Army,? 78. 24 Through their close friendship, Roosevelt appears to have greatly afected Wood?s perspective on the correlation betwen military experience and American nationalism. In fact, acording to Finnegan, having been ?schooled in the beligerent nationalism of his friend Theodore Roosevelt,? Wood sought an imediate transformation that would enable the Army to compete efectualy against any military threat . 75 Roosevelt?s ?beligerent nationalism? formed an integral part of his imperialist conception of American nationalism. In American Crucible: Race and Nation in the Twentieth Century, Gary Gerstle describes this ideology as representing a new civic nationalism in which ? among other things ? Roosevelt advocated a ?deeply gendered,? masculine conception of nationalism. 76 Believing men to be the natural leaders of a nation, Roosevelt was greatly troubled by what he perceived as the increasing tendency of America?s wealthy men to become efeminate as a result of their desire to adopt a delicately gentel, cultured sophistication. 77 Rejecting such dangerous aristocratic pretensions, Roosevelt posited the example of his own hyper-masculinity, which he fully exhibited when serving as lieutenant colonel of the First Volunter Calvary ?Rough Riders? in the Spanish-American War. 78 In Roosevelt?s opinion, the war infused much needed patriotic fervor into the nation, reviving its flagging manhood. 79 Not only did he consider the batlefield to be the best test of a man?s character, but, acording to Gerstle, Roosevelt resolutely contended that the strength of a nation ?rested on the intense homosocial bonds arising among men sharing the perils of combat.? 80 Eventualy, this 75 Finegan, ?Against the Specter,? 11. 76 Gary Gerstle, American Crucible: Race and Nation in the Twentieth Century (Princeton: Princeton University Pres, 202), 57. 77 Gerstle, ?American Crucible,? 253. 78 Ibid., 26, 54, 253. 79 Ibid., 54. 80 Ibid., 27, 57-58. 25 new civic nationalism with its acute emphasis on masculinity would converge with the Army?s quest to enact an efective plan for national wartime mobilization. In the several years preceding America?s entrance into the First World War, the Army stil did not posses a sound plan for large-scale mobilization in the event of war. In 1910 a report by the Secretary of War bluntly summarized that the nation?s defense primarily relied upon ?volunter forces composed of entirely untrained citizens commanded in great part by equaly untrained officers.? 81 This lack of readines sparked the Preparednes Movement, which sought a remedy. Not surprisingly, Wood and Roosevelt represented the two most important leaders of this movement. As Chief of Staf, Wood focused on the martial questions of how best to implement such a mobilization plan, while Roosevelt promoted Wood?s solutions in the public sector. 82 Progresives in the military, like Wood, believed that incorporating European mobilization methods represented the best option. 83 From his experience as a military observer in 1902, Wood had developed a tremendous appreciation for the capabilities of Germany?s conscript army. 84 Borrowing heavily from the mobilization ideas of English General F.S. Roberts, Wood began work on implementing an American system of universal military training that would create a reserve force to be employed during national emergencies and which the Army would train by means of limited rotations as active duty soldiers. 85 81 Finegan, ?Against the Specter,? 13. 82 US Department of the Army, ?I Am the Guard,? 15; Chambers, ?To Raise an Army,? 78. 83 Finegan, ?Against the Specter,? 13. 84 Ibid., 78. 85 Ibid., 79. 26 Universal military training corresponded nicely with Roosevelt?s Progresive conception of civic nationalism. 86 Just as Progresives were intent on curbing rampant, self-serving capitalism in order to create a more equitable, just society, Progresive advocates in the Preparednes Movement were ready to utilize both governmental and collective social action in order to met the nation?s defensive needs. 87 Instead of dweling upon the possibility of actual service in combat, most Progresives ? including Roosevelt at times ? emphasized the positive civic benefits of military training. 88 Acording to scholars such as John Chambers, one learns that many Progresive intelectuals during this time such as Charles H. Cooley, John Dewey, Walter Lippmann, and Mary Parker Follet were deeply concerned by the chaotic cosmopolitanism of the early twentieth century in which industrial leaders ruthlesly exploited the underprivileged of society, who possesed an egregious lack of personal agency. For instance, Chambers explains that, as in Edward Belamy?s Looking Backward, Progresives caled for a ?new and larger sense of community to link individuals?into a more interdependent national community.? 89 For elite Progresives who desired an unprecedented expansion of the power of the central government, this goal provided an excelent justification for such an outcome in order to mold what Dewey labeled a ?Great Community.? 90 Thus, Roosevelt?s promotion of universal military training represented a tempting solution when he aserted that the chief benefit ?would not be of prime military consequence, but of prime consequence to us socialy and industrialy.? From an industrial perspective, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce echoed this belief by aserting 86 Gerstle, ?American Crucible,? Chapter 2. 87 Chambers, ?To Raise an Army,? 87-88, 101; Gerstle, ?American Crucible,? 383. 88 Finegan, ?Against the Specter,? 110. 89 Chambers, ?To Raise an Army,? 90. 90 Ibid., 90-91. 27 that universal military training would ?take up this slack of idlenes in the industrial field and substitute a period of helpful discipline for a period of demoralizing freedom from restraint.? 91 As for resolving the dog-eat-dog social divisions, universal military training purportedly offered the possibility of exerting the centralized control of the federal government in such a manner that would remove clas distinctions and foster a new era of mutual understanding and brotherhood. 92 Indeed, Roosevelt proclaimed that, ?the military tent, where al slep side by side, wil rank next to the public school among the great agents of democratization.? 93 This fusion of Progresive adherence to democratization with the Preparednes Movement produced what has become one of the fundamental dogmas of the American military system: that the military ought to reflect the democratic characteristics of the broader society ? as opposed to embodying a distinct military caste ? thereby undercutting the danger imposed by the presence of a large standing Army. 94 Along these lines, Wood stated, ?Real democracy rests upon one fundamental principle, and that is that equality of opportunity and privilege goes hand in hand with equality of obligation?The army of to-day is the army of the people.? 95 This new emphasis on a distinctly democratic military united with a renewed interest on the part of the Army in finaly resolving the problems underlying collegiate military training. Thus, under Wood?s leadership as Chief of Staf, the General Staf became keenly interested in military training at universities. The General Staf believed that the Army should incorporate a program whereby in the event of rapid mobilization most of the prerequisite 91 Both, quoted in Finegan, ?Against the Specter,? 110. 92 Finegan, ?Against the Specter,? 110-111; Chambers, ?To Raise an Army,? 89-90. 93 Quoted in Chambers, ?To Raise an Army,? 89. 94 Finegan, ?Against the Specter,? 110-111. 95 Chambers, ?To Raise an Army,? 95. 28 officers would come from a reserve force that had been trained by civilian universities. This formed one of the guiding principles of the General Staf?s examination and evaluation of collegiate military training; however, as a War College study highlighted, the prime concern to the General Staf was how to implement the ?central control? necesary ?to insure eficiency and standardization,? which would be no smal task given America?s incredibly diverse system of higher education. 96 To rectify this isue of command and control, as Chief of Staf, Wood promoted a format for instruction that fit within the existing style of collegiate military training. 97 His eforts involved a two-pronged strategy. The first part of Wood?s strategy was to improve the quality of instruction taught at the universities providing military training. He thought that if those universities could relieve students from the monotonous boredom, characteristic of training programs consisting mostly of dril, by providing wel-taught instruction on military science, then the students would expres renewed interest in military training. In Wood?s opinion, the ideal program would combine lecture with the practical application of military science. Finnegan credits these initiatives of Wood as gradualy beginning to afect how at least a few universities approached military training. For example, he states that by fal of 1915 Harvard, Yale, and Princeton had begun serious deliberations on the mater. That said, the second prong of Wood?s strategy proved much more succesful. 98 Wood believed that summer camps could be an ideal method for providing cadets with a fundamental understanding of the practical basics of military life. In 1913 he established experimental camps at Pacific Grove, California and Getysburg, 96 Coumbe, ?U.S. Army Cadet Comand,? 13. 97 Coumbe, ?U.S. Army Cadet Comand,? 13; Finnegan, ?Against the Specter of a Dragon,? 61. 98 Finegan, ?Against the Specter,? 61. 29 Pennsylvania that high school and college students could atend for five weks in the summer. 99 With the exception of military supplies, the students financed this training themselves, which entailed weapons training, tactical exercises, and dril. 100 Although intimately connected with the Preparednes Movement, Wood justified the program to an isolationist American public as simply being a means for introducing boys to the masculine, outdoor lifestyle. Even President Wilson approved the camps, choosing to ignore the militant aspects of the training. By summer of 1914, the Army was operating four of these camps for college students. 101 Unfortunately for supporters of the summer training camps, as of 1915 members of the War Department remained largely indiferent to the existence of the camps. Believing them incapable of producing a legitimate reserve force, the general sentiment in the War Department was that the camps were nothing more than a publicity stunt by Wood - who by this time had asumed command of the Army?s Eastern Department. Similarly, Congres did not apportion any funds specificaly for the camps. On the other hand, within the civilian populace, the subsequent sinking of the Lusitania invigorated interest in the camps ? especialy among businesmen and other profesionals. 102 After a group of these men approached Wood about holding a camp in the summer of 1915 specificaly for businesmen, he agreed to provide one at Platsburg, New York ? which was within Wood?s department ? after the student training at that camp had completed for the summer. 103 99 Finegan, ?Against the Specter,? 61; Coumbe, ?U.S. Army Cadet Comand,? 13 100 Coumbe, ?U.S. Army Cadet Comand,? 13 101 Finegan, ?Against the Specter,? 62. 102 Ibid., 63-64. 103 Ibid., 63-65. 30 Beginning in August, for five weks this group of profesionals, which included several of the nation?s most influential men, endured the same military training as had the young students. Finnegan characterizes their time at the camps as one in which ?the upper-clas elite underwent a conversion experience of patriotism, individual responsibility, and collective action.? 104 As a result, they recognized the time consuming, multifaceted proces that wartime mobilization would involve, and they also became duly impresed with the unifying, democratizing afects of military training. 105 Although containing the initial group of profesionals who had first requested to participate in a summer training camp, the Platsburg camp for businesmen was simply one of many such camps; however, this original group would play a critical role in making Wood?s vision of military training a reality. In January 1916, these profesionals united with an advisory board of college presidents and with students who had also graduated from these camps in order to form the Military Training Camps Asociation of the United States (MTCA). 106 A ?Governing Commite? directed the organization and included representatives from numerous university presidents, from graduates of the businesmen?s camps, and from other individuals working with the student training camps. 107 With Congres and President Wilson already discussing how to proced with mobilization in the event America entered the war in Europe, the MTCA lobbied forcefully in favor of the creation of a permanent reserve force, with the training camps being a permanent fixture of their training. Thanks to the legacy of the Platsburg camp 104 Ibid., 6, 68. 105 Ibid., 68. 106 ?The Military Training Camps Asociation of the United States,? Orange and Blue, April 15, 1916; Finegan, ?Against the Specter,? 70. 107 ?The Military Training Camps Asociation of the United States,? Orange and Blue, April 15, 1916 31 for profesionals, an engaged citizenry was driving the initiative, instead of just military profesionals. 108 Auburn University students would have been at least moderately aware of the Preparednes Movement?s promotion of a formalized and widely available form of military training, as demonstrated by an April 15, 1916 article entitled ?The Military Training Camps Asociation of the United States,? that appeared on the front page of the Orange and Blue ? Auburn?s student newspaper at the time. 109 The article fully describes the history of the movement and provides details of how the MTCA operated. With the summer fast approaching, the article may have been a subtle atempt to lure students to atend the proposed summer camps, as it explains that the training camps ?are esentialy democratic and are open to al applicants of good moral character, [who are] physicaly qualified.? 110 Further evidence indicates that some Auburn University students were active participants in the summer training camps. Published in the midst of the Preparednes Movement?s demand for a proactive and practical system of military training, a February 18, 1916 Orange and Blue article offers insight into what at least some students at Auburn University thought about military training ? particularly in terms of the summer training camps. Entitled, ?Summer Instruction Camp for College Students,? the article is not an advertisement, yet it ardently advocates that students enjoy atending as part of their summer vacation plans one of the camps offered by the Summer Camp for College Men program. Some Auburn students had previously atended these camps, and they 108 Finegan, ?Against the Specter,? 71. 109 Note: the Orange and Blue was the Auburn University newspaper during this time, being the predecesor of what eventualy became the Auburn Plainsman. 110 ?The Military Training Camps Asociation of the United States,? Orange and Blue, April 15, 1916. 32 were ?unanimous in their praise of the camps for furnishing recreation, instruction, and enjoyment.? In this case, students who were taler than five fet, four inches, were betwen ages eighten and thirty, and were students at such institutions as universities or colleges ? or had just graduated high school ? could atend the summer camp provided at Ft. Oglethorpe, which began acepting students on July 5 th of that year. The article cites the numerous advantages for students who atend. For example, it describes the plentiful time available for recreation after the completion of military duties, the tremendous ?physical benefits? that come with the ?active, healthful outdoor life of a military camp,? and the enhanced busines skils that they would acquire through internalizing habits such as ? discipline, obedience, self-control, order, and command.? Within the article one witneses a practical example of the far-reaching influence both of Roosevelt?s concept of civic nationalism and of his promotion of the ideology of the Preparednes Movement. Echoing Roosevelt?s vociferous commentary on the source of American strength, the article states, The benefit of permiting the atendance of these young men is that thereby wil be fostered a patriotic spirit, without which a nation soon loses its virility and fals into decay[,] and spread among the citizens of the country some knowledge of military history, military policy, and military needs, al necesary to the complete education of a wel-equipped citizen in order that he may himself form just and true opinions on military topics. Continuing, the article describes the ?military aset? that a man becomes upon completion of the military training since he would form part of a national reserve from which the nation could quickly appoint officers in time of war. The article also displays the metaphorical tight rope that members of the Preparednes Movement had to walk in an atempt to appease the Isolationists: ?The ultimate object sought is not military aggrandizement, but?to met a vital need confronting us as a peaceful and unmilitary 33 people.? 111 Interestingly, for students at most land-grant universities like Auburn, their participation in camps like this one would place them closer than ever to embodying the military trained civilian force that Senator Morril had originaly envisioned with his land grant act; however, as of yet no official connection existed betwen the training camps and the universities from which the atendees came. While Wood was preoccupied with establishing the first summer training camps, President Wiliam O. Thompson and Dean Edward Orton, Jr. from The Ohio State University led a movement to resolve finaly the long-standing deficiencies that characterized military training at most ? if not al ? universities. In 1913, at the annual convention of land grant colleges, Orton argued that the federal government should pas legislation to improve the quality of military education and instruction taught at American universities. 112 At a minimum Orton wanted such legislation to entail: ?two years of military dril; three periods per wek of military instruction; strict discipline during dril periods; a wek of field training each year; and instruction in smal unit tactical exercises.? 113 Orton also desired that al students who completed the full course of military training be commisioned as officers in the reserve. Later, in November of 1915, members of civilian and Army educational institutions gathered in the nation?s capital to draft suitable legislation. With Orton?s proposal providing the guiding framework, this body drafted legislation that would enact a Reserve Oficers? Training Corps. Thanks to receiving ample backing from academic organizations, Congres would 111 ?Sumer Instruction Camp for Colege Students,? Orange and Blue, February 18, 1916. 112 Coumbe, ?U.S. Army Cadet Comand,? 13. 113 Ibid., 13-14. 34 eventualy approve this bil upon incorporating it into the National Defense Act of 1916. 114 By 1916, the ever-growing possibility of America becoming involved in the European war was afecting popular American perception of the Wilson Administration. While Wilson vehemently rejected the idea of American intervention, he also had to reasure the public that the nation would be ready in the event of war. Thus, Wilson invited the War Department and Congres to formulate and approve new defensive measures capable of meting any foreign threat. 115 As with virtualy al major pieces of legislation, an ardent political batle preceded the final product, but on June 3, 1916 Congres managed to compromise in order to enact what is arguably the most important defense legislation ever pased: the National Defense Act of 1916. 116 The act fundamentaly restructured the military, creating the active duty component, the reserve component, and the National Guard. 117 Especialy important, it introduced the Reserve Oficers? Training Corps (ROTC). This new program would fit relatively easily into the existed framework for military training at most universities. The General Staf of the Army highly approved of it, contending that an ROTC program was the only efective means through which to acommodate the vast expansion of military education required to train a reliable reserve force. 118 Due in no smal part to the lobbying eforts of the MTCA, the defense act alocated federal funds for the summer training 114 Ibid., 14. 115 US Department of the Army, ?I Am the Guard,? 157. 116 Chambers, ?To Raise an Army,? 116; US Department of the Army, ?I Am the Guard,? 158. 117 Neiberg, ?Making Citizen-Soldiers,? 23. Note: the reserve component consisted of the Officer Reserve Corps (ORC) and the Enlisted Reserve Corps (ERC). Se Chambers, ?To Raise an Army,? 117 and US Department of the Army, ?I Am the Guard,? 158. 118 Neiberg, ?Making Citizen-Soldiers,? 24. 35 camps, which the War Department and MTCA would cooperatively operate. 119 Available to men betwen 25 and 43, graduates of these camps could be commisioned into the Oficers Reserve Corps (ORC). 120 The act also pleased National Guard supporters since ROTC graduates would principaly be available to National Guard units, instead of the active duty Army. Additionaly, to the great satisfaction and approval of military educators, the new program would involve standardized equipment and training procedures, representing a marked improvement from the old system. 121 During the 1916-1917 academic year, Auburn University welcomed Army ROTC onto its campus. Operating under the supervision of the commanding general of the Army?s Eastern Department, Army ROTC at the university consisted of a regimental size unit under the command of Captain Frank W. Rowel, who was an active duty officer asigned by the War Department to serve as the Profesor of Military Science and Tactics. The university, in turn, appointed Rowel to the position of acting Commandant of Cadets. 122 Asisting Rowel were three sergeants detailed from the Army: Sergeants Wiliam G. Mueler, Richard McAndrew, and Thomas P. Bradley. 123 The cadets quickly developed a high opinion of these NCOs, with the 1917 Glomerata providing this report: ?Their asistance in supervision of the drils has made possible a more personal and individual mode of instruction in military maters, and their work, if kept up in the manner started, wil bid fair to bring Auburn to the front in wel-trained men.? 124 119 Finegan, ?Against the Specter,? 147; Chambers, ?To Raise an Army,? 117. 120 Chambers, ?To Raise an Army,? 117. 121 Neiberg, ?Making Citizen-Soldiers,? 24. 122 Catalogue of the Alabama Polytechnic Institute, 1916, 70, AU. 123 Catalogue of the Alabama Polytechnic Institute, 1916, 70, AU; Glomerata, Vol. 20, Auburn, AL: Auburn University, 1917. 124 Glomerata, Vol. 20, Auburn, AL: Auburn University, 1917. 36 Significantly, ROTC altered the nature of military instruction for Auburn University cadets. For example, cadets now only had to enroll in the formal military courses for the equivalent of two years. Nevertheles, even non-ROTC students were stil cadets and, therefore, they could continue to enjoy the military model of education, with wekly dril remaining an ubiquitous component. 125 If a cadet wished to enter the Advanced Course of ROTC, then the president of the university and the Profesor of Military Science and Tactics had to select that cadet; in response, that cadet would isue a writen statement in which he agreed to pursue the Advanced Course for the rest of his time at the university, to include atending summer training camps. 126 Cadets interested in this route also had the added incentive of receiving from the Army, for the rest of their time in ROTC, a subsistence stipend ?at such rate, not exceding the cost of the garrison ration prescribed for the Army, as may be fixed by the Secretary of War.? As part of the Advanced Course, cadets enrolled in five credit hours per quarter, and for two summers they went to a military training camp ?not to exced six weks in any one year.? Cadets in the Advanced Program did not have to serve in the military upon graduating. As explained in the Catalogue of the Alabama Polytechnic Institute for 1916, the purpose of ROTC was ?to educate college men in the duties of a subaltern officer in the Army.? Hence, ?After graduation he is as free as any other citizen.? 127 That said, as with the old system, the university reported the names of cadets exceptionaly fit for military service to the Adjutant General of the Army and to the Adjutant General of that 125 Catalogue of the Alabama Polytechnic Institute, 1916, 70-71, 140. 126 Catalogue of the Alabama Polytechnic Institute, 1916, 70-71 127 Ibid., 71. 37 particular cadet?s state. For cadets desiring a commision, with ROTC they gained the option of requesting an appointment in the ORC. 128 The general opinion of the campus community appears to have been of great appreciation for the newly introduced Army ROTC program. An article in the Orange and Blue, published on September 15, 1917, praised the ?excelent record? established by Army ROTC during its first year at Auburn, aserting that, ?It was by far the best year of Auburn?s military department.? 129 Furthermore, looking back on the introduction of ROTC in 1916, the Clas History of the Auburn University 1918 graduates described their experience with these approving words: The R. O. T. C. was organized with practicaly the total enrollment of both the upper clases. Col. Rowel adapted himself to the situation and with his generalship and fairnes won the love and respect of the entire student body; and converted our nucleus for soldiers into embryo officers. 130 However, America?s entrance into the First World War temporarily halted development of Army ROTC on the Auburn University campus. Due to the rising needs of a mobilizing Army, that program soon gave way to its wartime replacement: the Student Army Training Corps. In Mars and Minerva: World War I and the Uses of the Higher Learning in America, Carol S. Gruber examines the circumstances that led to American institutions of higher learning becoming directly involved in preparing the Army to fight overseas. She explains that in the early years of the twentieth century, and in those leading up to American involvement in World War I, most Americans believed that academics and the 128 Ibid., 72. 129 ?Our New Comandant,? Orange and Blue, September 15, 1917. 130 Glomerata, Vol. 21, Auburn, AL: Auburn University, 1918. 38 courses they taught were only beneficial when providing knowledge and skils that students could practicaly apply. 131 As a result, when America declared war on Germany, the ?special character and claim to legitimacy? of the nation?s modern universities rested upon their ?commitment to the ideal of service.? 132 If they could not convincingly asert their educational importance to providing valuable wartime instruction, then they faced the possibility of losing their students to the war efort. This necesity of offering a curriculum that corresponded the service ideal facilitated a keen desire among members of American universities to play an active role in the mobilization proces, with the government coordinating their activities through the War Department Commite on Education and Special Training. 133 A product of that commite, the Student Army Training Corps (SATC) was a program whereby the Army sought to addres its deficiencies in the number of soldiers possesing highly technical skils, and in the lack of sufficient officer candidates. 134 Established at 516 colleges and universities, the SATC set aside potential officer candidates and provided advanced technical instruction, making efective usage of the existing infrastructure and course offerings. 135 Al students at these institutions who were over eighten years old and who were physicaly fit enough for military service were drafted into the Army as privates on active duty asignment at those universities. The military provided cadre who taught military courses and who enforced rules and regulations. University personnel managed the remaining aspects of the program. 136 The outcome, as Gruber explains, was that the SATC dramaticaly 131 Carol S. Gruber, Mars and Minerva: World War I and the Uses of the Higher Learning in America, (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Pres, 1975), 43-44. 132 Gruber, ?Mars and Minerva,? 44. 133 Ibid., 98. 134 Ibid., 215. 135 Ibid., 213, 216. 136 Ibid., 217. 39 transformed ?the American campuses into military training camps for the War Department.? 137 On October 1, 1918, the War Department officialy instated the SATC at every participating university in the nation, with Auburn boasting the South?s largest SATC program. 138 With the temporary disbandment of ROTC, Gruber highlights the noteworthy support given to the SATC program among university presidents of institutions previously hosting a ROTC unit. She further aserts that, ?the importance of a long- standing presidential commitment to campus military training in facilitating aceptance of the SATC must not be underestimated.? 139 This statement certainly applies to Auburn University, when considering its long history of sponsoring military training. President Charles C. Thach placed great faith in the possibilities of the training to be provided by the SATC. For example, in response to an inquiry about the military course work that the SATC would offer, Thach expresed the following opinion in a leter writen on August 24, 1918: ?I advise any young man prepared for college to take as much work as possible and at the same time have the benefit of the military training here. This wil give him every advantage possible when he finaly is caled into active service.? 140 Despite being operational for only three months, the SATC program at Auburn University represented a sizable unit. The student section contained more than 1,000 individuals, and the vocational section consisted of approximately 300 members. Representing a regiment of three batalions with four companies in each, Captain Albert E. Barrs commanded the SATC program at Auburn University. Contained within the 137 Ibid., 102. 138 Gruber, ?Mars and Minerva,? 213; Glomerata, Vol. 22, Auburn, AL: Auburn University, 1919, 127. 139 Gruber, ?Mars and Minerva,? 225. 140 Charles C. Thach to R. Hays Johnson, August 24, 1918, box 5, file 101, ?August, 1918,? Pres. Thach Papers. 40 Auburn University SATC program were ?a medical corps, a motorcycle corps, and a motor corps.? 141 Although the short existence of the SATC at Auburn University offered the students only a brief experience with this form of collegiate military training, it is surprising what one learns from it. In remembering the semester following the conclusion of the SATC at Auburn University, the Senior Clas Oration of the 1919 Glomerata castigates it as ?that trying period of reconstruction? in which they were ?struggling that our college might come out of the demoralization of the S. A. T. C. days.? 142 In light of the students? previous approbation for the ROTC program, one might wonder why they viewed the SATC with such disdain, but such is not too dificult to grasp. The problem appears to have been the intense rules, regulations, and conditions of Army life. In ROTC the students remained civilians with a choice of whether or not to contract with the Army, but in the SATC they had no choice as soldier-students not possesing the liberties of regular students. This reaction by Auburn students to the SATC supports General Wood?s vision for ROTC; atending summer training offered students a taste of the military life without forcing them to relinquish during the school year the freedoms they enjoyed as college students. Despite this general displeasure of Auburn University students with their time in the SATC, an article from the Orange and Blue did admit that, ?S. A. T. C. training has done al of us good and our heroism and bravery?wil forever remain noble traditions in the history of our school.? 143 Fortunately for Auburn University students, the cesation of hostilities on November 11, 1918 reduced the SATC to a short existence. The proces of demobilizing the SATC at Auburn University began officialy on December 4, 1918, and Army 141 Glomerata, Vol. 22, Auburn, AL: Auburn University, 1919, 127. 142 Ibid., 93. 143 ?Old Auburn Again,? Orange and Blue, December 6, 1918. 41 personnel mustered out its ranks from December 7 to December 20. 144 One contributor to the Orange and Blue poignantly described the general mood of the campus during demobilization, explaining that SATC realy stood for ?Stick Around Til Christmas.? 145 In a statement corroborating Gruber?s characterization of the SATC, the 1919 Glomerata outlines that, ?Though proud to be in their country's service, every man was glad to receive his discharge and happy to know that Auburn would once again be Auburn and no longer an Army Post.? 146 This narrative of SATC is important on two other counts. First, it amply demonstrates an important limitation of Army ROTC: the inability to produce sufficient numbers of officers during wartime. Unlike Oficer Candidate School in which the Army can simply increase recruitment and production levels as needed during wartime, in order to yield an efectively sized officer corps, Army ROTC is dependent upon long-term strategic policies that acount for the potential wartime need for officers. In this regard, and as wil be addresed when examining the contributions of Auburn University Army ROTC to World War II mobilization, the War Department enabled Auburn University to produce during the interwar years a formidable reserve force of wel-trained officers, which would later display the tremendous capability of Army ROTC to prepare for future wars if directed by an ideal national defense vision. The second noteworthy aspect of the saga of SATC at Auburn University is that it represents the only time since the establishment of Army ROTC that the university has ever been without the program. In fact, one recognizes a manifest irony when alowing a quick foray into the future. World War I prompted the first large-scale removal of ROTC units from universities across the 144 ?S. A. T. C. Being Demobilized,? Orange and Blue, December 6, 1918. 145 Orange and Blue, December 6, 1918. 146 Glomerata, Vol. 22, Auburn, AL: Auburn University, 1919, 127. 42 nation; however, the second dramatic removal of ROTC came about during another war but for reasons exactly opposite from those facilitating the first ? as we wil se when examining developments steming from the Vietnam War. Considered in and of itself, the implementation of Army ROTC on the Auburn University campus may not sem al that noteworthy. After al, the university appears to have incorporated ROTC without much dificulty; however, this single transformative event is overwhelmingly important since it demonstrates the beginning of Auburn University?s substantive and on-going contribution to American national defense. Interestingly, Morril?s dream of a collegiate military officer training program began with problems experienced in the Civil War, but it took the disastrous mobilization for the Spanish-American War and the Preparednes Movement?s concerns over entering another war ? combined with a healthy dose of the reformist spirit of the Progresive Era ? before America finaly enacted a program that fulfiled his vision. As a land grant university, Auburn University can never remove ROTC from its curriculum ? unles Congres enacts another law or another comparable military program replaces it. Just as national and international events paved the way for implementation of a modernized form of officer training at Auburn University, so also throughout its history at Auburn University did outside forces continue to influence ROTC. Recognition of this interplay betwen local and national historical events provides the critical frame of reference for fully understanding the history of the Auburn University Army ROTC program and how it relates to the larger narrative of how the Army prepared an officer corps capable of succesfully waging war on a mas scale. 43 The Interwar Years ?A new atitude toward dril and military work is beginning to show. The idea that it is a bore and a burden is giving way to that of opportunity. It sems that the ROTC is about the only new form of preparednes that politics is going to alow to continue and it is up to college boys to make that litle count for the most. Auburn has come out of the war with a wonderful record for military service and now faces a much finer opportunity for the future.? ? R. H. Turner, ?Military Outlook,? Orange and Blue, September 26, 1919 With the disbandment of the SATC and the reintroduction of Army ROTC at Auburn University, the interwar years proved to be the definitive time period that solidified the relationship betwen Auburn University and its Army ROTC program. Thanks to the establishment by the National Defense Act of 1916 of a modernized, profesional method for collegiate military training, the culture and influence of the Army grew in its centrality to the experience of Auburn University students. Covering from the end of World War I to the beginning of World War II in September 1939, this chapter examines the multifaceted nature of the close bond that developed betwen the campus community and Army ROTC ? devoting a special emphasis to the student perspective. This involves consideration of the training and recreation provided by the ROTC program, of the inclusion of ROTC in official university events, and of the resulting experience for students at the university. The discussion also examines the possible level of engagement of Auburn University students in the ongoing national debate betwen pacifists and proponents of military preparednes, comparing their opinions and subsequent actions with those of individuals from other parts of the nation. Articles from the Auburn University student newspaper constitute the chief, primary source employed. Proceding from a meticulous review of nearly 880 editions of that newspaper, the following narrative atempts to permit the sources ?to speak for 44 themselves? as much as possible. Recognizing that historians should always avoid the trap of selectively pasting quotes together, the intent is to integrate a methodology that enables the sources to direct the narrative and commentary ? instead of the reverse. Since the Plainsman was the only published venue through which to publicly expres the cultural atitudes and activities of the campus, this approach is necesary for imparting to the reader a meaningful understanding of the remarkable influence that Army ROTC exerted upon the culture of the Auburn University community. 147 Given the extreme lack of sources available, atempts at using any other source to acquire an acurate representation of campus activities would involve more speculation than a historian can justify. In Plainsman articles the influence of Army ROTC on the campus community is demonstrated primarily through descriptions of events that involved the ROTC program. With the newspaper not becoming independent until 1985, the persistent presence of a university adviser to the student staf of the Plainsman suggests that the narration of events is generaly reliable in terms of what definitively happened. 148 Furthermore, the president of the university and the Profesor of Military Science and Tactics often used the Plainsman to voice their directives, concerns, or praise to the students, which indicates the possibility of a high rate of subscription to the paper among students. It also intimates a certain level of approval for the paper from the university administration and the Army ROTC cadre. Further evidence of a large volume of readership among the 147 The Orange and Blue was renamed the Plainsman after the 192 spring semester. 148 ?Student Media Oportunities,? Auburn University, acesed April 2, 2014, http:/ww.cla.auburn.edu/cmjn/journalism/student-media/. 45 students is that the ROTC cadre, campus clubs, and other campus organizations would routinely post information in the Plainsman concerning upcoming metings and events. When placing local events within the context of national and international events, by design, this chapter does not include any other information than that acquired from the student newspaper. The hope is that this wil permit readers to recognize ? through consciously dismising the benefits of hindsight ? the perspective that informed the opinions and actions of Auburn University students as it pertained to military service. Due to the before mentioned evidence that suggests a high rate of readership among students, one can realisticaly expect the students at minimum to have been aware of the national and international events outlined in the Plainsman. Although the students surely possesed other means of learning what was happening nationaly and internationaly, the Plainsman is the only news source that was directed specificaly to the students. Trying to determine to what other sources a large number of students may have also been exposed would be entirely conjecture. Hence, the desire is to focus on what they as a group likely knew about such events and not on what an unknown number of them might have known. The Plainsman also represents the only available source for atempting to gauge student opinion concerning the ROTC program at Auburn University, the ongoing debate betwen pacifists and military preparednes proponents, and the controversy beginning in the 1920s over whether or not universities should either compel ROTC participation or even alow it. Given source limitations, one cannot acurately determine whether or not the opinions of the Plainsman staf represented the overal opinion of the students; however, such statements do indicate the minimal level of diversity of opinion on the campus. Concerning the debate, some of the opinions are those of the staf on the 46 newspaper and others are from leters submited to the editor. Unfortunately, since few of the articles cite the name of the contributor, one cannot conclusively say which opinions were those of the staf or of another member of the university community. The views specificaly of the Plainsman staf are identified as such in the forthcoming discussions. The diversity of opinion may have been much greater than portrayed in the Plainsman, but ascertaining the nature of such potential opinions would be extremely dificult given the incredible lack of records pertaining specificaly to the atitudes of students as exhibited during the late 1910s to the late 1940s. Of note, since this chapter must encompas a twenty-year time span, only significant and excedingly representative examples are discussed in detail. Desiring to facilitate a holistic understanding, each diferent aspect is presented topicaly, corresponding to a chronological timeline, respectively. The chapter discusses three overal subjects, which often overlap; however, the general arrangement, respectively, is the ROTC program, the events jointly staged by the university community and the ROTC program, and the student perspective regarding isues related to ROTC. Having been ?very popular before the war,? the War Department vigorously reinstated Army ROTC at Auburn University, beginning in earnest during the 1919-1920 school year. 149 Replacing the monotony of the previous method of military training, which consisted mostly of dril, the Army ROTC program now provided branch specific training for field artilery, combat engineer, signal corps, and infantry. 150 The later two 149 R. H. Turner, ?Military Outlok,? Orange and Blue, September 26, 1919 150 R. H. Turner, ?ilitary Outlok,? Orange and Blue, September 26, 1919; Catalogue of the Alabama Polytechnic Institute, 1919, 82-83. Note: to preclude confusion, ?branches? within the Army references specific military occupational specialties, and the term should not be confused with the diference betwen ?service branches,? consisting of the Army, Navy, Marine Corps, Air Force, and Coast Guard. 47 were recent additions to the program, with the War Department wel preparing the field artilery program earlier that spring through alocating an impresive array of weaponry: ?four 3-inch guns, six 3-inch caisons, one 155mm howitzer, one 4.7 inch rifle, one 75mm French gun, two 5 ton tractors, two batery wagons and two escort wagons.? 151 Major Spalding, who had been the Profesor of Military Science & Tactics (PMS&T) in the spring of 1918, returned from France, and he, along with eight other officers and several non-commisioned officers (NCOs) asigned to Auburn University, oversaw the smooth introduction and operation of these new courses of instruction. 152 The main diference betwen this new course of instruction and the type implemented upon establishment of ROTC in the 1916-1917 school year was twofold. First, cadets now entered not a general military course curriculum but one specific to whichever branch unit they entered. Second, the university now required al ROTC cadets to enroll in at least two credit hours of physical training, which covered ?calisthenics,?swiming, boxing, wrestling, fencing, and hand-to-hand combat.? 153 Stresing group oriented athletic competitions, the intent was to train cadets how properly to react when facing various situations. 154 Over the next several years, the ROTC program continued to evolve both in terms of type of instruction and in size. For example, by 1927 the university had lost both its signal corps unit and, despite an excelent record of performance, its infantry unit. 155 For 151 ?Field Guns Arive,? Orange and Blue, May 24, 1919. 152 R. H. Turner, ?Military Outlok,? Orange and Blue, September 26, 1919; Catalogue of the Alabama Polytechnic Institute, 1919, 81. 153 Catalogue of the Alabama Polytechnic Institute, 1919, 83. 154 Ibid., 84. 155 ?Auburn Unit of Infantry Goes Permanently,? Plainsman, May 21, 1927. 48 the interwar years, the university retained only the artilery and engineer units. 156 Nevertheles, within its field artilery program, the ROTC cadre expanded the course of instruction to include a mounted batery, which they organized in the fal of 1931. Introduced to familiarize students with such operations, a Plainsman article later testified that ?The worth of the batery is being proven in the valuable training it is giving the participating members by preparing them for the work that wil be required at ROTC camp next summer.? 157 That same year, the program atained the noteworthy distinction of transforming from a single regiment to a brigade consisting of three regiments. 158 The expansion was in response to a significant increase of enrollment in the cadet corps, which brought the size to about 1200 cadets. 159 The Plainsman likewise greeted this change enthusiasticaly, aserting ?The expansion announced today by the military department is one of the most progresive steps taken in this institution in many years. R. O. T. C. at Auburn now rests on a parity, in regard to organization, with any school in America.? 160 To its credit, throughout these adjustments the program maintained its high standards. Regarding the annual inspection of Army ROTC units by the War Department, in the spring of 1933 the Auburn University Army ROTC program boasted the honor of representing the ?only school in the Fourth Corps Area to win continuously? a maximum rating since re-establishment after the First World War. 161 156 Another evolution of the department that deserves atention, but unfortunately does not fit within this narative, is the adoption in fal of 1928 of the unit insignia. It was a tiger head positioned on a field of blue, which ? except for the color scheme ? is esentially the same unit insignia worn today by Army ROTC cadets at Auburn University. For more information, se ?ROTC Department Secures Insignia,? Plainsman, December 6, 1928. 157 ?Mounted Batery,? Plainsman, March 9, 1932. 158 ?Military Unit Is Changed from Regiment to Brigade by War Department Ruling,? Plainsman, September 12, 1931. 159 ?120 Are Expected to Enrol in ROTC,? Plainsman, September 12, 1931. 160 ?R. O. T. C. Expansion,? Plainsman, September 12, 1931. 161 ?Fourten Years,? Plainsman, May 6, 193. 49 Indeed, the positive opinion of the campus community toward its ROTC program continued to grow. In reports submited to the university Board of Trustes during 1921, Auburn University President Spright Dowel exemplified the appreciation for ROTC, which amid the interwar years would characterize the relationship betwen the university presidents and ROTC cadre. In addition to expresing his appreciation for the quality of instruction, he posited that ?the advantages to the college of military units are many and the patriotic duty cannot be dodged.? 162 Dowel also described the importance of Army ROTC to student retention, explaining that the ROTC stipend for cadets in the advanced program ?makes it possible for a large number of men to stay in college? since it offered ? along with a clothing alowance ? ?In the Junior and Senior years an additional wage of fifty cents per student per day.? 163 As for the training itself, PMS&T Major John T. Kennedy contended that, ?the student who avails himself of the opportunity offered by the military department of this institution wil graduate a beter man for himself, for his family and for his country. He wil go out beter prepared for peace as wel as for war.? 164 The cadre atempted to prove this asertion by providing practical training and a variety of instruction. Much of the former came during the routine, wekly dril periods, but cadre also trained the cadets through other means, such as regular trips to a local firing range for practice with machine guns and rifles. 165 Interestingly, the Auburn University Army ROTC engineer unit was the first ROTC unit of its type in the country to conduct a field training exercise Note: this is an honor that they would continue to poses in the spring of 1939. 162 Spright Dowel report to Board of Trustes, May 1921, box 1, file 2, ?Dowel, Report to Board of Trustes, May 1921,? Pres. Dowel Papers. 163 Spright Dowel report to Board of Trustes, February 1921, box 1, file 1, ?Dowel, Report to Board of Trustes, February 1921,? Pres. Dowel Papers. 164 ?Military Training Is Large Part of Student Work Here,? Plainsman, February 14, 1929. 165 ?R. O. T. C. Notes,? Plainsman, December 7, 1923. 50 (FTX) in the form of hiking to a bivouac site. Revealing a high level of enthusiasm for military training from the participating cadets ? who consolidated themselves into two companies for the event ? it was entirely voluntary with each atending cadet paying one dollar in order to help finance it. 166 A similar example of experience based training was the Batle of Auburn, which the ROTC program staged several times on the campus. On one occasion, the infantry unit split into two teams to conduct a mock atack behind the mansion of the university president. Being part of the festivities surrounding the 1924 celebration of George Washington?s Birthday, many spectators came to watch the event. Although the cadets carried real weapons, the Plainsman elaborated that, ??the reason everyone knows this was a sham batle is that not even a Profesor got hit with a bullet.? 167 Instructing ROTC cadets must have been at times a dificult and irritating task, as indicated by this description of a cadre member: ?Captain Grower is a forcible man. One must be very forcible to keep a Junior R. O. T. C. clas awake, but some of the students seated in the vicinity of Captain?s whizing erasers suggest that he be transferred to the artilery.? 168 Throughout the interwar years, the ROTC program labored to deliver quality instruction to cadets, often asking outside sources to lecture to the students. 169 Sometimes this instruction focused on topics for practical application in the future, such as when in 1934 a field artilery lieutenant taught the cadets about advanced techniques for acurately adjusting artilery fire and engaging enemy bateries. 170 Other times, the instruction stresed lesons learned from past military campaigns, as in the case of a 166 ?Enginer Unit Holds Two Day Encampment,? Plainsman, March 7, 1925. 167 ?Busy Wek R. O. T. C.,? Plainsman, February 29, 1924. 168 ?Auburn Fotprints,? Plainsman, November 22, 1930. 169 For example, ?Two Hundred Hear Capt. Hones Speak,? Plainsman, March 8, 193. 170 ?Lieut. Grene Is Featured Speaker,? Plainsman, February 21, 1934. 51 presentation offered by a colonel from the Fort Benning Infantry School. 171 Naturaly, the regular course lectures pertained to general military subjects and to branch specific topics. Describing the quality of the instruction, in 1939 a cadet confesed that, ?College ROTC clases are a true example of this pasing up of something that is realy worthwhile. As freshmen we never sem to fel that our ROTC unit is a valuable part of the United Sates Army.? He explained that this ambivalence remained until ?after camp at the end of our junior year [when] we fel ourselves defenders of our country.? 172 Originaly, the War Department required al Army ROTC cadets wishing to become officers to atend ?two summer camps, not to exced six weks in any one year.? 173 A brief perusal through the university catalogues reveals that beginning in the 1920-1921 school the War Department elected to reduce the requirement to simply ?one summer camp, not to exced six weks,? which virtualy al advanced cadets participated in during the summer before their senior year. 174 Apparently, for a time cadre members permited and ?strongly urged? students in basic Army ROTC to atend the camps with their upperclasmen, sincerely believing that they would ?not only secure valuable training but also?enjoy the camp life.? 175 Unlike the present day, in which at advanced camp the Army intentionaly prevents cadets of the same university from asignment to the same platoon, during the interwar years Auburn Army ROTC cadets atended summer camp together, and acording to their published acounts they certainly shared many worthwhile character building experiences. 171 ?Col. Keley Wil Lecture Tuesday At Langdon Hal,? Plainsman, January 30, 1935. 172 H.M., ?Colege ROTC,? Plainsman, February 28, 1939. 173 Catalogue of the Alabama Polytechnic Institute, 1916, 71. 174 Catalogue of the Alabama Polytechnic Institute, 1921, 71. 175 ?R. O. T. C. Sumer Camps,? Orange and Blue, March 15, 1921. 52 Much of the cadet?s time at camp consisted of advanced hands-on training in general military skils and in branch specific operations. Acordingly, the training schedule for the engineer unit and the artilery unit difered, and a careful examination of Plainsman articles indicates that each unit atended summer camp at a diferent military instalation, until in 1925 when both units began atending summer camp at Fort Bragg. 176 The Auburn Army ROTC cadets? experience at ROTC camp that year is a fine representation of what camp was like. The cadets from both units were at camp from June 12 to July 23. For the artilerymen, their day began with first formation at 0545 and calisthenics afterwards. During camp they learned how to care for horses, practiced good horsemanship, and impresed the regular officers with their rapid familiarization with and utilization of 75 mm guns. Since Auburn University hosted the only field artilery unit at a southern university, its cadre members directed their summer camp activities. 177 Like their engineer counterparts, cadets in the artilery unit finished their last wek of camp with an arduous hike in the field. 178 The engineers? training entailed marksmanship, bridging operations, and practicing seting up field fortifications. Not surprisingly, when the officers in charge consolidated Auburn University cadets into a unit with students 176 ?Field Artilery Have Most Sucesful Camp,? Plainsman, September 18, 1925; ?Engineers Work at Fort Brag is God,? Plainsman, September 18, 1925. Based on these articled and ?War Department Changes Sumer Camp to Bening,? Plainsman, February 19, 1927, Auburn University cadets of both units atended camp at Fort Brag for the sumers of 1925 and 1926. Apparently, for the rest of the interwar years, Auburn University Army ROTC summer camp was at Fort Bening. For examples se ?War Department Changes Sumer Camp to Bening,? Plainsman, February 19, 1927; ?158 auburn Juniors Atend Sumer Camp at Ft. Bening,? Plainsman, September 9, 1931; ?Plans Announced for Summer Camp,? Plainsman, April 25; ?171 Students Will Attend June Camp,? Plainsman, May 19, 1937. A useful means of determining the relative size of the Auburn Army ROTC program is found in the numbers of students from various universities who atended summer camp, as outlined by the following list taken from ?158 auburn Juniors Attend Sumer Camp at Ft. Bening,? Plainsman, September 9, 1931: ?In camp there were 158 men from Auburn, 38 from the U. of Florida, 31 from the U. of Tenn., 2 from the U. of Alabama, 23 from Georgia Tech, and 1 from Iowa State.? 177 ?Field Artilery Have Most Sucesful Camp,? Plainsman, September 18, 1925. 178 ?Field Artilery Have ost Sucesful Camp,? Plainsman, September 18, 1925; ?Enginers Work at Fort Brag is God,? Plainsman, September 18, 1925. 53 from the University of Tennese and the University of Alabama, the Auburn cadets were a litle competitive with their Alabama brethren; however, they soon overlooked their diferences in order to become an efective team. 179 Although the work was trying for the cadets, they also enjoyed the sort of pleasant opportunities that cadets atending Army ROTC summer camp today would likely find quite enviable. For example, summer camps involved a plethora of recreational activities such as swiming, horseback riding, basebal, wrestling, polo, tennis, boxing, and basketbal, and the cadets especialy enjoyed participating in regularly held dances. 180 Additionaly, at al of these camps, cadets typicaly had the opportunity to visit the sights and scenery of the surrounding area. In light of this multifaceted camp experience, one student summarized their time at camp this way: ?We look back upon the camp, hard and unbearable as it semed, with pleasure, for we had a wonderful experience and gained valuable information along military lines which wil greatly aid us in the defense of our flag when we are caled upon to do so.? 181 Of course, not everyone was enamored with the pain and pleasures of summer camp, prompting another student to pointedly forewarn that, ?The date for the last remark about last summer?s R.O.T.C. camp has been set for November the first. Any remarks made after that time wil be excuse for justifiable homicide.? 182 However, Army ROTC summer training in certain cases proved a vexation for more than just felow students tired of hearing tales of summer camp. Although a hearty advocate of ROTC at Auburn University, an incident involving two cadets who were 179 ?Enginers Work at Fort Brag is God,? Plainsman, September 18, 1925. 180 ?Hapenings at Camp McClelan,? Plainsman, September 19, 1924; ?Auburn at Fort Bragg,? Plainsman, September 19, 1924; ?R. O. T. C. Sumer Camps,? Orange and Blue, March 15, 1921. 181 ?Auburn at Fort Brag,? Plainsman, September 19, 1924. 182 ?Auburn Fotprints,? Plainsman, October 28, 1931. 54 visiting the university after summer camp was the root cause behind president Dowel?s eventual resignation from the university. Having just returned from Army ROTC summer camp at Fort Benning, someone discovered that the two students were drinking on campus, which in that day was grounds for imediate suspension from atending the university. Dowel enforced the rules, but during the following fal semester encountered extreme opposition from students and faculty. Since one of the suspended students was a ?favorite quarterback,? they vehemently blamed Dowel?s adherence to the rules as the cause for the university losing two footbal games. 183 To shorten a complicated story, the situation concluded with the Board of Trustes reluctantly acepting the July 1, 1928 resignation of a man whom the board considered ?highly competent and eficient.? 184 Fortunately, ROTC summer camp more often exhibited a unifying efect upon the campus. For ROTC members of the rising senior clas, the time spent together at camp brought them closer together as a group. 185 An obituary, writen in 1939 for a student who had become il and died, exemplifies this ability of summer camp to instil cohesion, when it explains ?He was not our close friend, but we were close to him in the sense that al seniors who go through camp together know each other beter.? 186 In fact, the Army ROTC program often played a prominent role in official Auburn University events, such as the annual ROTC graduation review. 187 Of special importance was the participation of the ROTC program in routine visits by the Governor of Alabama for various university events. For example, on February 22, 1921, the 183 Spright Dowel report to Board of Trustes, November 5, 1927, box 2, file 15, ?Dowel, Administrative Controversy ? Concerning the Campaign in 1927 for the Removal of President Dowel,? Pres. Dowel Papers, 2-23. 184 ?Trustes Board Acepts Dr. Dowel?s Resignation,? Plainsman, November 1, 1927. 185 The Editor, ?Sumer Camp at Fort Bening,? Plainsman, December 16, 1938. 186 ?Jack Brown,? Plainsman, March 3, 1939. 187 ?Awards Named at Last Cadet Event Tuesday,? Plainsman, May 13, 1936. 55 governor visited the campus, among other reasons, to review the cadets and to watch a tactical demonstration. 188 Typicaly, the governor would review the Army cadets at least once or twice a year. Governor Bibb Graves possesed an exceptionaly close relationship with the university and its ROTC program, exhibiting a ?keen interest? in the unit. 189 On November 1, 1930, the unit held a review for the Governor, honoring him with seventen-gun salute. On this particular occasion, Governor Graves also dedicated the newly created Bullard Dril Field as wel as atended an initiation ceremony of the local Scabbard and Blade military honor society. 190 In response to the excelent showing and after hearing ?many favorable comments,? university president Bradford Knapp expresed that, ?I fel under deep obligation to the Military Department and to the entire student body for putting on a very wonderful review and cooperating fully in the morning exercises.? 191 Like many of his predecesors, the next governor, B. M. Miler, followed suit in participating in this proud university tradition. 192 Auburn University also paraded ?the War Machine of the Institution? during various other special occasions. 193 For instance, during an inspection of the university by the Alabama State Legislature Educational Commite, the ROTC unit gave an impromptu review, primarily to honor J.G. Wilkins who was the first woman legislator in the state and as wel as acting chairman of the commite. Incidentaly, this was the first time in the history of the university ? even prior to the establishment of Army ROTC ? 188 ?Military Exhibit on Twenty-Second,? Orange and Blue, February 5, 1921. 189 ?Farewel Review for Gov. Graves Be Held Nov. 1st,? Plainsman, October 24, 1930. 190 ?Governor Makes Dedication of New Dril Field,? Plainsman, November 1, 1930. The Bulard Dril Field was named in honor of Lieutenant General Robert Le Bulard, a famous alumnus of the university. For more information se Glomerata, Vol. 22, Auburn, AL: Auburn University, 1919, 11; and ?General Robert L. Bulard To Visit Auburn March 14,? Plainsman, March 10, 1929. 191 Bradford Knap, ?Prexy?s Paragraphs,? Plainsman, November 5, 1930. 192 ?Governor Miler Reviews R. O. T. C. for First Time,? Plainsman, February 25, 1931. 193 ?Thunderations by Gum,? Plainsman, March 1, 193. 56 that its military program had ever pased in review before a woman. 194 Like this one, sometimes other commemorative events were held for irregular occasions, such as when in 1929 the ROTC regiment marched in Montgomery as part of the festivities surrounding the Florida-Auburn game. 195 With about 1,000 cadets present and wearing new uniforms, the locals in the city were understandably impresed. 196 Other university- held military exercises involved annual celebrations of holidays like George Washington?s Birthday, Memorial Day, and Armistice Day. Later events like these often involved presentations from individuals such as the Alabama State Governor, members of the United Daughters of the Confederacy, Senator Hugo Black, and other distinguished members of the community. 197 The university also hosted in 1927 a series of activities to celebrate Mothers? Day that entailed a special military review. 198 Nevertheles, perhaps the most remarkable military review ever staged during the interwar years was orchestrated in honor of President Franklin Roosevelt who visited the campus on March 30, 1939. He paid the visit when making a few detours while on a trip from Washington D.C. to Warm Springs, Georgia. 199 With Roosevelt preferring to make his addres while siting in his car, the ROTC cadets did not formaly pas in review before him; however, the approximately 1,500 cadets at Bullard Field were ?lined up in impresive military 194 Photo Caption, Plainsman, May 12, 1923. 195 ?R. O. T. C. Unit Wil Parade Strets of Montgomery before Fray Begins,? Plainsman, October 11, 1929. 196 ?Military Unit Invades Montgomery Friday,? Plainsman, October 15, 1929. 197 ?Memorial Day Exercises Held,? Plainsman, May 1, 1925; ?Fitting Program Held Here on Armistice Day,? Plainsman, November 13, 1925; ?Governor to Review R. O. T. C. on Washington?s Birthday,? Plainsman, February 19, 1927; ?R. O. T. C. Will Hear Black in Armistice Day Program,? Plainsman, November 1, 1927; ?Gov. Graves is Speaker on Washington Birthday Program,? Plainsman, February 21, 1930; ?Students and Oficials wil Participate in Memorial Day Friday,? Plainsman, April 23, 1930; ?Armistice Day Be Celebrated with Ceremony,? Plainsman, October 26, 1935. 198 ?Exercises Are Held in Honor Mothers? Day,? Plainsman, May 7, 1927. 199 ?Rosevelt Visits API Thursday,? Plainsman, March 28,1939. 57 formation before him and other members of the student body of thirty-three hundred, members of faculty, and a large crowd of visiting spectators.? 200 Alas for the cadets, approbation for splendid performance at these periodic university events came at the cost of many hours devoted to practicing on the dril field. Although many cadets might have cherished their time spent marching others apparently developed the following atitude: I use to hate the old dril field And choking dust galore, But now I kinder like the thing. I never did before. Just why I?ll tel you folks. I am Not marching any more. 201 Saturday dril was for a time a mainstay at the university - although the actual day of the wek set aside might have varied. 202 Profesor of Military Science & Tactics, Major Kennedy, outlined in 1927 that he wished for each such dril sesion to also involve some form of martial display, whether marching in review or performing calisthenics. He hoped that the entire ROTC unit acting in concert during these activities would help them become ?a smooth operating unit.? 203 Although members of the surrounding community frequently atended the reviews by the ROTC unit, review such as these were sometimes strictly military in purpose ? as opposed to being part of an official campus-wide event. 204 One example is Major Kennedy ordering a special review for Saturday dril as a 200 Photo Caption, Plainsman, April 4, 1939. 201 Redlig, ?Poems from Student Body,? Plainsman, October 5, 1932. 202 For another example se ?Military Review to be Held Saturday,? Plainsman, October 19, 1932. 203 ?Review to be Held Every Saturday,? Plainsman, November 4, 1927. 204 ?Cadets Wil Direct Trafic at Parades,? Plainsman, April 22, 1936. 58 means of honoring the legacy of General Leonard Wood, ?the father of our present system of citizen military training.? 205 With few writen acounts describing dril available, determining exactly what dril looked like is a litle dificult; however, one student did submit this brief portrayal: ?The dril field resembled a youthful army camp. A perspiring platoon of engineers was trying to learn to execute a dificult movement, acompanied by the exasperated shouts of an officer. A group of Artilerymen peeped thru range-finders.? 206 Understandably, a few cadets approached their time at dril very seriously. Such was the case of one unnamed student who, to the surprise of his felow cadets, participated in dril in spite of the blood dripping from the side of his body. Refusing to reveal the source of his bullet wound, he departed the field after dril muttering that he ?could take it.? 207 Other cadets were not always as serious, which was revealed by ?one of the celebrated colonels in the artilery unit? who fel asleep at dril He quickly gained the opprobrium of his regiment after forgeting to dismis them by the regular time. 208 The coeds ? that is, the female students ? also represented another potential problem for the cadets during dril, compeling one 205 ?Major Kenedy Orders Review Held Saturday,? Plainsman, October 7, 1927. 206 Benjamin Provost, ?Meditations on This and That,? Plainsman, January 13, 1929. 207 ?Valiant Soldier Displays Loyalty at Dril Tuesday,? Plainsman, February 22, 193. 208 ?Auburn Fotprints,? Plainsman, November 25, 193. 59 exasperated cadet to exclaim, ?One can?t play at war seriously with girls looking at one?s soldiers.? 209 One cannot discuss the Auburn University student experience as a cadet without also mentioning one of the more enduring and contentious isues surrounding it. Army ROTC uniforms possesed the capacity either to boost or to lower morale ? and not just that of the cadets wearing them. Apparently, 1928 was the first year in which the uniforms represented an important concern to the students, with a contributor to the Plainsman arguing that one reason for cadets demonstrating a ?sloppy appearance? was that the uniforms were ?unatractive and drab.? 210 To the pleasure of cadets and other members of the community, the Army ROTC department soon secured in 1929 much nicer looking uniforms. 211 Happy endings such as this one were not the norm when it came to the uniforms. Acording to student acounts, even the finer quality uniforms lacked the comforts of home, which the following joke highlights: ??Frosh: May I have an R. O. T. C. uniform? Sergeant: How do you want it?too large or too smal?? 212 Indeed, cadet disatisfaction over uniforms culminated in one of the more humorous exchanges betwen the students and the cadre. The conversation began with this anonymous submision to the Plainsman: Major Franke, Lord Sublime, Have you in the summer time Ever worn a shirt of wool?? Realy now it?s not so cool. Marching in the sun is hot. And shirts of wool is al we got. 209 ?Thunderations by Gum,? Plainsman, October 7, 1932. Carton taken from the November 4, 1938 edition of the Plainsman. 210 ?It Is Imposible to Improve Present R. O. T. C. Uniforms,? Plainsman, December 9, 1928. 211 ?New Uniform Wil Bost R.O.T.C.,? Plainsman, September 7, 1929. 212 ?Auburn Fotprints,? Plainsman, December 7, 1932. Note: ?frosh,? refered to the campus freshmen. 60 We humbly pray that you wil get. Some shirts that wil not make us sweat. 213 PMS&T, Major Frank in a later isue of the Plainsman responded with his own poetry: To the student who wrote the rhyme: Major Franke in summer time Has woolen shirts worn off and on For twenty years this August gone. When the weather gets cold you?ll be darn glad, For woolen shirts wil not then be bad. They may bring out the perspiration But prevent too rapid evaporation; Thereby they keep you wel and strong. Now can?t you se wherein you?re wrong? His sympathies for you are great, But a man of you sweat?s bound to make. What can he do? He has not pull To get you shirts that aren?t wool.. It?ll take more dough from Uncle Sam To get light shirts for you, by damn!!! The cadet, in turn, replied by confesing that he actualy loved the shirts but that, nevertheles, ?sir, I?m here to tel Those woolen shirts are hot as Hel.? 214 Although time may heal some wounds, this one just reversed poles, with the same anonymous student later informing Major Franke that, ?my oh-so-hot wool shirt of a month ago has been amazingly transformed into a refrigeration device.? 215 To the benefit of the university, this appears to have been the most egregious division betwen the cadre and cadets, given that numerous Plainsman articles convey the generaly high regard felt toward them by Auburn University students. Cadets of good character and military ability could experience social activities perhaps more pleasing than dril. Established on May 5, 1924 during a special instalation 213 ?Deadly Deductions by Derf,? Plainsman, September 20, 193. 214 ?Deadly Deductions by Derf,? Plainsman, September 30, 193. 215 ?Deadly Deductions by Derf,? Plainsman, November 11, 193. 61 ceremony, the Auburn University ??L? Company, 5 th Regiment? chapter of the Scabbard and Blade was a national military honor society that became active on the campus. 216 The organization originated in 1905 at the University of Wisconsin, and by 1924 had chapters on 59 diferent campuses, consisting of slightly over 5,000 members. 217 The goal of the organization was to promote high military training standards, to strengthen the bonds betwen military science programs, to uphold good officer traits, and to build esprit de corps among felow cadets. Eligibility for cadets depended upon their exhibiting ?military eficiency? and ?qualities of character and manhood.? Holding two initiations a year, the Auburn University chapter conducted a public initiation and, at least for some period of time, a ?formal initiation? that they held during ?an al night hike out of town.? 218 The public portion of the initiation was typicaly a source of great comedy enacted in full view of the campus community. 219 For example, the 1939 initiation involved a mock batle betwen the new members, with one team dresed in kilts as ?Ladies from Hel? and the other dresed as ?invaders from Mars.? 220 Additionaly, cadre members occasionaly subjected themselves to the ordeal of initiation. 221 Regular social events for the group entailed such activities as celebrating Scabbard and Blade Day or periodicaly venturing out on horseback for early morning, Sunday ?breakfast rides.? 222 216 ?Scabard and Blade Instal Local Chapter,? Plainsman, May 2, 1924; ?Scabard and Blade Installation Held,? Plainsman, May 9, 1924. 217 ?Scabard and Blade Instalation Held,? Plainsman, May 9, 1924. 218 ?Know Your Campus Organizations,? Plainsman, October 14, 193. 219 ?Unique Parade is Enjoyed by Local Citizens,? Plainsman, October 30, 1926; ?Scabard & Blade Initiation is Held at Morning Dance,? Plainsman, October 4, 1929; ?Pledges to Scabard and Blade Given Fre Entertainment Today,? Plainsman, October 5, 1935. 220 ?Blade Initiation Planed for Friday Wek,? Plainsman, April 11, 1939. 221 ?Scabard & Blade Initiation is Held at Morning Dance,? Plainsman, October 4, 1929; ?Scabard and Blade Elects Army Men,? Plainsman, October 8, 1930. 222 ?Military Society to Celebrate Scabbard and Blade Day,? Plainsman, October 25, 193; ?Scabard and Blade to Stage Ride Son,? Plainsman, May 1, 1935; ?Military Group is Host at Breakfast Ride,? Plainsman, February 21, 1939. 62 The annual military bal was another opportunity for cadets to enjoy the finer benefits of military service, furnishing ?the Senior R.O.T.C. Cadets a chance to strut.? 223 First held in 1926, the military bal is a tradition that the Auburn University Army ROTC continues to practice today. Atending that initial military bal were the majority of the senior cadets, the cadre members, some faculty members who were officers in the Army Reserves, and several coeds and girls from out of town. In a marked diference from current day War Eagle Batalion military bals, ?The gym was decorated with the Regimental colors, flags, and guidons of the companies and bateries of the regiment. Machine guns and light field weapons were placed around the wals to add a military touch to the occasion. 224 A mock military court was held.? 225 Acordingly, the military bals were often grand afairs, considered by the students to be ?one of the most briliant? social gatherings of the year. 226 Lavish decorations representative of the military life remained one of the many atractions, as further exemplified with this description of the 1932 military bal: ?Decorations for the Military Bal?wil depict a scene from the war which is now being waged in China?The orchestra wil be surrounded by a barricade of sand bags over the top of which numerous rifles wil protrude. At either end of the floor wil be seventy-five milimeter guns of the type used in the field artilery unit, and various pieces of lighter artilery wil be placed around the floor?Behind the orchestra wil be?painted a Chinese batle scene, and sand bags wil have to be surmounted to gain entrance to the bal room.? 227 223 Tom Bigbe, ?Litle Things,? Plainsman, January 31, 1930. 224 Present day Auburn University Army ROTC military bals are much les grandiose. The type of uniform worn and the ceremonial customs are formal, but the general environment is comparable to that of a formal civilian event, with the main exception being the posting and retiring of the colors by an honor guard. 225 ?Oficers and Cadets Hosts at Military Bal,? Plainsman, February 27, 1926. Incidentaly, station WAPI broadcast the dance over the radio, with it being the first time that anouncers from the station had ever broadcasted a dance. 226 ?Comites are Apointed for Anual Military Bal,? Plainsman, February 21, 1929. 227 ?Chinese War to be Theme of Military Bal Decorations,? Plainsman, February 27, 1932. 63 Normaly, the Army ROTC unit extended invitations to individuals such as the local Army Reserve officers, Army officers from Fort Benning and Maxwel Field, the Alabama State Governor, and other distinguished persons. 228 Of course, one particular set of guests typicaly matered most to the cadets. With bylines like, ?Many Southern Beles Expected for R. O. T. C. Bal? and ?Many Girls Expected,? the cadets ? who at this time were stil al males ? were clearly excited, and commonly ?a large number of girls from al over the state? acepted invitations, which might be another reason why the cadets viewed this military dance as ?one of the outstanding events of the social calendar.? 229 The unpleasant downside to this eagerly expected influx in population was a university regulation stipulating that al females traveling to the bal from within 70 miles of campus had to return home that evening. This inspired one student to compose a lengthy editorial against the ?asinine? regulation. 230 Notwithstanding such minor irritations, many cadets greatly enjoyed the annual military bal. In fact, one cadet who did not appreciate the thought of marching in dril the next morning posited this idea: ?I am for having a parade during intermision instead of the next morning. Post a yelow-haired gal by the flag and I?ll do ?Eyes Right? al night.? 231 Although they had various opportunities to enjoy life as a cadet, Auburn University students were constantly reminded by the very nature of their military instruction that someday Uncle Sam might require them to apply that knowledge in actual 228 ?Comites are Apointed for Anual Military Ball,? Plainsman, February 21, 1929; ?Everything in Readines for Third Anual Military Bal,? Plainsman, March 7, 1929; ?Many Southern Belles Expected for R. O. T. C. Bal,? Plainsman, February 25, 1930; ?Notice!,? Plainsman, February 25, 1931; ?Gov. Graves Wil be invited Here for Cadet Dance,? Plainsman, February 23, 1935. 229 ?Many Southern Beles Expected for R. O. T. C. Bal,? Plainsman, February 25, 1930; ?Auburn Knights to Furnish Music at Military Ball,? Plainsman, February 21, 1931. 230 Her Diogenese Geufelsdrockh, ?Thoughts in Silhouette,? Plainsman, February 21, 1930. 231 ?Thuderations by Gum,? Plainsman, March 1, 193. 64 combat. 232 Many Americans hoped that the First World War would be ?the war to end al wars,? but events in Asia and Europe gradualy transformed that desire from optimistic hope to anxious concern. A similar phenomenon occurred on the Auburn University campus, with the exception that the general opinion on the campus sems to have been a hope combined with emphasis on military preparednes, which many campus lectures reinforced. 233 Student opinion on campus sems to have reflected the larger debates in the country, and throughout the world in the 1920s and 1930s. A Plainsman article from 1927 offers an excelent example of this atitude through a series of short editorials refuting the pacifist ideology that was especialy active in other parts of the nation at the time. 234 In response to this mindset and to the persistent military preparations occurring around the world, some members of the university community felt tremendously disturbed and expresed their fears with statements like one from 1929, which is consistent with sentiment asociated with pacifist movements at the time: ?We commemorate the ending of the most godles blood festival by preparing for another one. God! What a sordid, unimaginative world of fools we are!? 235 Of course, another student was quick to contend in the following isue that only ?power through preparednes? could enable to America to promote global peace, and in remarkably prescient statement aserted, ?Unles humanity changes astoundingly, America wil be forced to arms again?? 236 Not easily persuaded by comments like these, pacifist students maintained a persistent voice on campus. 232 Cecil Strong and Walter Brown, ?Cabages and Kings,? Plainsman, December 15, 1934. 233 For examples se ?Armistice Program Very forceful,? Plainsman, November 16, 1923; ?Captain Althaus Makes Armistice Day Talk to Rats,? Plainsman, November 13, 1925; ?Major Smith Makes Talk to Upperclasmen,? Plainsman, April 3, 1926; ?General Bullard is Guest Speaker at Convocation Today; Program is Presented During Kiwanis Luncheon,? Plainsman, February 28, 1934; ?Defense Subject Used by Starnes in Addres Here,? Plainsman, November 13, 1935. 234 ?Auburn Fotprints,? Plainsman, January 17, 1927. 235 Aaron Bilowhel ?Wel, I?d Say This,? Plainsman, November 12, 1929 236 Tom Bigbe, ?Litle Things,? Plainsman, November 15, 1929. 65 Ofering perhaps another indicator that students recognized the tentative nature of world peace in their day, another observed Armistice Day with an article postulating that, ?Peace cannot, and wil not survive as long as we cherish such selfish ideals as patriotism and nationalism.? 237 Similarly, after learning that Congres was considering an expansion of the Navy, one editorial advised ?as many students as possible to take advanced R. O. T. C.; second lieutenants make the most palatable cannon fodder.? 238 In contrast to these two factions, university president Bradford Knapp supported a middle ground position, stating that, ?I hope there may be the inteligence and the high-mindednes which wil make our America a leader for peace. I hope we may be prepared to defend our ideals and our honor only in case these are realy at stake.? 239 In 1931 the official position of the Auburn University newspaper aserted that, In respect to world peace, The Plainsman stands firm in favoring it in its entirety?It has been proven, however, that peace cannot be insured by disarmament with the world mired within the state she finds herself at the present. World peace can only be insured by providing a defense sufficient to instil within al other nations a desire for universal brotherhood; a weakened defense invites disaster. 240 237 Haakon Provost, ?Solitary Speculations,? Plainsman, November 12, 1930. 238 Haakon Provost, ?Solitary Speculations,? Plainsman, December 17, 1930. 239 Bradford Knap, ?Prexy?s Paragraphs,? Plainsman, November 6, 1931. 240 ?In Defense of Militarism,? Plainsman, November 6, 1931. 66 By contrast, during the years following the Japanese invasion of Manchuria in 1931 and the rise of Hitler in 1933, one notices a definitive increase in rhetoric either lery of war or directly against it. One student in 1934 claimed to be representing the approximately 170 cadets who would soon commision when he discussed how they al became ?ardent pacifists? during tense international political situations. He wrote that, ?they aren?t exactly scared but?wel, bullet holes don?t improve the look of any kind of uniform. We?re not afraid?just shaky.? 241 The following year, university students across the nation protested against the threat of a future war by means of a strike for peace that occurred on April 12. At 11:00 A.M. al participating students walked out of their clases as ?a demonstration against war.? 242 An article in the Plainsman vociferously advocated that Southern students join the protest rather than reveal that students from the East and Midwest were more inteligent than their counterparts in the South who lacked ?enough sense to stand up for their rights.? The author lamented that, ?students from other sections wil give vent to bloody yels which wil inform the world that they are pacifists while we Southerners wil sit idly by and let everybody say we don?t care whether or not we have to fight.? 243 Contemporary reports indicated that at some universities, such as UCLA, the strike turned disconcertingly violent, but the protest at Auburn University was very peaceful, perhaps due to the fact that only one student participated. 244 As evidenced by the fact that more than half of the senior clas was enrolled in Army ROTC, most Of note, the available sources do not outline to what extent ? if any ? that this statement was representative of anyone other than the student members of the Plainsman; however, it does reveal another opinion to which Auburn University students would have ben exposed regarding this isue. Carton editorial taken from the November 3, 1937 edition of the Plainsman. 241 ?Deadly Deductions by Derf,? Plainsman, February 17, 1934. 242 ?Peace Strike to Halt Clas work at Many Coleges,? Plainsman, April 10, 1935. 243 ?They?re Striking,? Plainsman, April 10, 1935. 244 Cecil Strong and Bil Emrey, ?Cabages and Kings,? Plainsman, April 17, 1935. 67 students at Auburn University were more in favor of preparednes than pacifism. 245 Nevertheles, campus pacifists continued to preach against war, and their pleas sounded even more desperate after events like the sinking by Japanese warplanes of the gunboat Panay in China in 1937, which a student discussed in the article ?Stay out of War!? 246 Another group of individuals also disliked what advocates of military preparednes were doing to the nation. Distinct from the pacifists, yet by no means mutualy exclusive, campaigners against mandatory ROTC became active during the 1920s and 1930s, and by 1928 they were forcefully opposing compulsory ROTC training. 247 A thorough examination of Plainsman articles reveals that the first mention of agitation against mandatory ROTC printed in the paper was most likely in the article, ?Military Training Under Discussion,? which appeared on February 27, 1926. 248 The article expounds upon a recent movement against mandatory ROTC at both the University of Washington and the College of the City of New York, which had garnered ?considerable comment in the pres.? For the rest of the interwar years, Auburn University students continued to stay abreast of this ongoing batle against compulsory collegiate military training. Sometimes, the news releases pertained to universities like Ohio State University or the University of Minnesota that excused conscientious 245 Of the senior clas of 1935, 124 of the 127 enrolled in the advanced course satisfactorily pased the 1934 summer camp. 214 graduated that following May. Se ?127 Auburn Junior R. O. T. C. Cadets Atend Bening Camp,? Plainsman, September 7, 1934 and ?214 Graduates Will Receive Degrees on Monday, May 27; Alumni to Meet for Anual Sesion in Langdon Hal,? Plainsman, May 11, 1935. For a more acurate but slightly diferent comparison that exhibits the same rationale, please se ?Military Course,? Plainsman, September 22, 1934. 246 ?Stay Out of War!,? Plainsman, December 15, 1937. In another fascinating sign of the times, one student submited this anti-war leter to the Plainsman, stating, ?I do not believe a war can end war; only peace can do that. Public opinion is the only weapon. Education and eugenics are the only two posible avenues to freedom. From ?Cabbages and Kings by Cecil Strong and Bil Emrey,? Plainsman, April 27, 1935. 247 ?Snapy Uniforms Sel R. O. T. C. Work to Colege Students,? Plainsman, October 21, 1928. 248 I say ?most likely? since human eror is an ever-present possibility when examining such a large source base. 68 objectors from dril. 249 Other times, they discussed the movements against mandatory ROTC at universities such as University of Oregon, University of Minnesota, Washington University, Ohio State University, and University of Oklahoma. 250 One of the more significant demonstrations against this mandatory training occurred in 1931 when approximately 10,000 students, representing 55 collegiate institutions, signed a petition to eliminate compulsory ROTC training from al American colleges and universities. Consisting of students from ?Swarthmore, Byrn Mawr, Harvard, Yale, Johns Hopkins, George Washington, and the University of Wisconsin,? 45 delegates of this movement formaly delivered the petition to President Hoover?s secretary in Washington D. C. Their rationale was threefold: 1. That military training teaches doctrines contrary to the best principles of the principles [sic] of the American people; 2. That military training idealizes war and is thus inconsistent with the Kelog pact outlawing war; and 3. That the majority of student opinion is opposed to military training. 251 The Plainsman also exposed Auburn University students to the arguments happening outside of the university either supporting or opposing compulsory military service. For example, one article reprinted from the Florida Gator applauded the following report: ?Former President Coolidge is opposed to compulsory military training for school or college students and to anything that stimulates a military spirit in the youth 249 ?Student Excused from Dril for Pacifist Ideas,? Plainsman, November 11, 1931; Billie Thomas, ?With Other Coleges,? Plainsman, November 1, 193. 250 ?What Of It?,? Plainsman, May 2, 1929; ?College Students Involved in Anti-R.O.T.C. Row Suspended,? Plainsman, March 21, 1931; ?With Other Colleges,? Plainsman, October 28, 1931; ?Without the Pale,? Plainsman, October 10, 1934; ?Minnesota Abolishes Compulsory R.O.T.C.,? Plainsman, October 24, 1934; ?Optional ROTC retained by Vote at Washington U.,? Plainsman, March 13, 1935; ?Without the Pale: Oregon Campaign Against Dril Fails,? Plainsman, April 27, 1935. One of the more comical reports regarding these agitations concerned a coed at University of Minnesota who refused to sign a petition against compulsory ROTC, stating, ?I like the prety uniforms.? Found in ?With Other Coleges,? Plainsman, March 23, 1932. 251 ?Fight on R. O. T. C. Taken to Capital,? Plainsman, March 7, 1931. 69 of the land.? 252 In contrast, another Plainsman article juxtaposed pro-military training arguments from the Citadel Bull Dog with that of Misisippi Congresman Ross Collins who opposed collegiate military training; positing the final word, the Plainsman aserted that, ?The argument of the Bull Dog sounds more convincing than that of the politician.? 253 Plainsman reports also outlined possible outcomes of this ongoing debate. At Emory, the university acommodated student protests in 1930 through implementing a mandatory physical fitnes regimen to replace its compulsory military education program. 254 Princeton University applied a diferent approach in 1936. In conjunction with its ROTC department, university personnel incorporated two clases on ?peace? into the military training program in order to pacify antagonists of military preparednes. 255 Unlike the leaders of some of the colleges and universities in the Midwest and East, Auburn University administrators firmly supported the compulsory Army ROTC program. Acording to a 1927 Plainsman article, ?Auburn has never reacted against the preparing of her young men for national crises.? Instead, the official policy of the university declared that, Military training teaches the proper respect for men in authority and recognized leaders, streses precision and acuracy in the discharge of duty, promptnes and reliability in meting engagements, high standards in manhood and morality, and the ability to think clearly, logicaly and analyticaly along with other esential qualities that are fundamental in the development of leadership so necesary at the present time in our modern complex civilization. 256 252 ?Colidge on the military,? Plainsman, October 17, 1930. 253 ?Acros the Campus by Axel,? Plainsman, February 7, 1931. 254 ?Military,? Plainsman, March 14, 1930. 255 ?ROTC Reconciliation,? Plainsman, January 15, 1936. 256 Photo Caption, Plainsman, April 2, 1927. Note: this oficial policy was recited in an unusualy lengthy photo caption that comemorated the disbandment of the Auburn University Army ROTC Infantry Unit. 70 Nonetheles, this commitment to the military training program may not have precluded the possibility of instating a voluntary ROTC program. In the Auburn University records asociated with president Bradford Knapp exists an official opinion from Atorney General of the United States, Wiliam D. Mitchel. Composed in a leter writen June 20, 1930, the opinion addreses the legality of whether or not land-grant universities must maintain a compulsory ?military tactics? course of instruction. With the salutation simply addresed to ?Sir,? one cannot definitively determine from president?s Knapp?s papers whether he wrote the initial leter to the Atorney General or if someone else pased along the final opinion to him; however, its presence in Knapp?s papers suggests that the Auburn University president was, at least, evaluating his options. Of particular interest, the leter aserts that the first noteworthy display of discontent with compulsory ROTC occurred in 1923 when the Wisconsin State Legislature enacted a law that eliminated mandatory military training at the state university. In the absence of opposition to that law from the federal government Wisconsin efectively established a precedent for the legal removal of mandatory military training at land grant colleges and universities. Thus, the Atorney General recommended an elective program as a viable alternative. 257 Auburn University was not isolated from these debates on university campuses about the status of mandatory ROTC. Perhaps the earliest public example of disafection with the Army ROTC program was this commentary submited to the Plainsman in 1923: Now al R. O. T. C. is rotten?take my advice, Those felows wil tel you anything?s nice. Be non-R. O. T. C. and be something keen. Join our ranks?you jely bean.? 258 257 Attorney General of the United States, Wiliam D. Mitchel to unspecified recipient, June 20, 1930, box 3, file 34, ?Reserve Oficer Training Corps ROTC, 1930; Department of Justice Opinions on Compulsory ROTC Courses, 1930,? Pres. Knap Papers. 258 ?Bevo,? ?What a Freshman Hears about R. O. T. C.,? Plainsman, September 21, 1923. 71 As was true with the campus debate over pacifism versus military preparednes, much of the commentary directed toward the Auburn Army ROTC program supported it as necesary to national defense and beneficial to the character of young men ? although the approaching threat of another war did correspond to an increase in voiced opposition to participation in ROTC. Perhaps aluding to their southern identity, when students ?from the campuses of the large northern and western universities? were rising against mandatory ROTC, in 1927 this Plainsman contributor rejoiced, ?that we are not prone to advance extremely precarious hypotheses on the injustice of the government in forcing us to take military training.? Admiting that ?grumbling is habitual? during days set aside for dril, the author expresed the generaly felt opinion of the students that they had atained an ideal medium betwen the ?curse of pacifism? and the ?equaly undesirable curse of militarism.? 259 Another article, writen in 1932, likewise admired the diference betwen Auburn University and other campuses. From their perspective, ?Practicaly every college newspaper in the country is at present actively engaged in a wrangle over the question of the Reserve Oficers Training Corps,? and ?there is no denying that the greater portion have taken an opposing view.? 260 Wishing no part in this faction, they staunchly profesed their ?sympathy with the R. O. T. C. movement, as a plan of national defense, as a benefit to young manhood, and as a vital factor of education,? and they afirmed that such was ?the opinion of the majority of Auburn students, and bids fair to 259 ?Justification of Auburn R. O. T. C. is By Its Works,? Plainsman, April 2, 1927. 260 The article, ?Invictus by Casual Observer? from the March 8, 193 edition of the Plainsman described the situation this way: ?The average college newspaper is one of the greatest targets for the anual flood of rabid pacifist propaganda in the country.? 72 remain so.? 261 Considering the general run of opinion in the various articles appearing on this subject throughout the rest of the interwar years, they were correct. 262 Likely due to the persistent ideological atacks against ROTC ? both compulsory and elective, the Department of Interior sent a questionnaire to ROTC graduates al across the country in order to gauge public opinion concerning the benefits of ROTC training. The department received more than 10,000 responses, with 256 from Auburn University alumni. As of 1932, al but two of the Auburn University graduates agreed that ?R. O. T. C. training had a definite educational value,? and 225 supported the two- year mandatory program. This atitude closely corresponded to the overal national opinion. 263 Additionaly, in 1932 an article reprinted in the Plainsman from the Birmingham News provided an example of what public opinion may have been in regions of Alabama besides Auburn. The article highlighted the leson to learn from the recent events in China where ?Japan?s tough-minded and seasoned troops stepped in and wrested Manchuria away from these folk too peaceful for their own good.? Disavowing any desire for a standing Army, it outlined the need for ?a great breed of civilian soldiers, like these trained at Auburn and other colleges?as a powerful nucleus about which to build regiments and divisions in time of possible need.? As a concesion, however, the article did concede to the possibility of dismising compulsory ROTC ?until need for it should arise.? 264 261 ?ROTC and the Pres,? Plainsman, March 19, 1932. 262 ?Military Course,? Plainsman, September 22, 1934; ?Has Reached the South,? Plainsman, December 14, 1935; L. E. Foster, Jr., ?Benefits of Military Training,? Plainsman, April 30, 1937; ?Sory We Missed It,? Plainsman, November 29, 1938; ?The Editor?s Mailbox,? Plainsman, December 2, 1938. 263 ?Alumni of Auburn Voice Aproval of R. O. T. C. Training,? Plainsman, March 23, 1932. 264 ?The R. O. T. C.?s Value in Piping Times of Peace,? Plainsman, April 27, 1932. 73 While much of the commentary in the Plainsman supported the Auburn University Army ROTC program, one can stil find a series of remarks and discussions revealing the unease with which some students viewed the training. Consider this poem for example: The ROTC May be a good thing; We learn much marching, shooting, And skirmishing, Statistics, balistics, First aid, parade, A wealth of things, And yet I?m afraid In the frenzy of war There?s more to be said For a two year course In dodging lead. 265 A number of articles in the pages of the Plainsman conveyed the presence of this line of thinking. 266 However, as the old adage says, ?actions speak louder than words,? and one ses in occasional reports of particular incidents the degree to which a minority of students showed irreverence toward the ROTC program. With the dril field representing one of the more public and frequent sites for ROTC activities, this was also where individuals commited some of the most blatant acts of disrespect against the military training program. As explained earlier, visitors would often atend dril in order to watch the cadets on parade. Spectators? social mores of that day typicaly ensured that they stil displayed patriotic respect during, for instance, the pasing of the American flag. In 1926, 265 ?Auburn Fotprints,? Plainsman, October 1, 1938. 266 For more examples, se ?Cabages and Kings by Cecil Strong and Walter Brown,? Plainsman, November 24, 1934; ?Cabbages and Kings by Cecil Strong and Walter Brown,? Plainsman, December 15, 1934; ?New War Film Teaches Object Leson About War Horrors,? Plainsman, September 24, 1937; ?Scabard and Blade Acts Against Plan of Handling Military in Glomerata,? Plainsman, November 29, 1938; ?The Editor?s Mailbox,? Plainsman, November 29, 1938; ?Board Gives Decision in Matter of Glomerata Military Section,? Plainsman, December 2, 1938; ?The Editor?s Mailbox,? Plainsman, December 2, 1938; ?ROTC Seniors Vote Down Plan; Schwartz Makes Statement,? Plainsman, December 6, 1938. 74 however, ?two youths and their feminine companions? sat in their vehicles one Saturday morning, rather than watching the review chose to conduct a ??necking? party.? These individuals, as wel as a few others present, demonstrated none of the traditional signs of respect, thereby gaining the great ire of at least the contributor who wrote the Plainsman piece about it. 267 Another example from several years later reveals the persistent nature of this behavior, describing spectators who did not stand at atention during the playing of the national anthem or the pasing of the American flag. The article from 1934 aserts, ?This atitude of neglect has been carried far enough and we would recommend that al individuals?adhere to the proper gestures at future dril formations.? 268 Although examples of disafection toward the Auburn University Army ROTC program exist, when considering the relationship of the program with the students and the university administration one is struck by the overwhelming evidence of amicable cooperation. Acordingly, the year 1939 embodies a powerful testimony of the extent to which Army ROTC had become firmly entrenched as a permanent fixture of Auburn University. 269 Resulting from their performance during the annual Army ROTC inspection, that year the Army ROTC unit earned an ?Excelent? rating from the War Department, the twentieth time in a row that the program had received such a rating. Forth Corp Area Commanding Oficer Major General S. D. Embick praised the program, stating, ?That there should be such uniform and continuous excelence evidenced in the 267 ?Flagrant Disrespect,? Plainsman, May 4, 1928. 268 ?Patriotism,? Plainsman, April 28, 1934. 269 Another excelent example of this is the folowing statement from the article ??Justification of Auburn R. O. T. C. is By Its Works,? which apeared in the April 2, 1927 edition of the Plainsman: ?It has often been said that military training made Auburn what it is today. Certainly it cannot be doubted that the military department is one of the most important and popular branches of the colege. In fact, the oficers seems to get in closer touch with the vital interests of the student body than the majority of the professors of the college.? 75 ROTC in this corps area is gratifying indeed to al at this headquarters.? He also commented to Auburn University president L. N. Duncan that, All here are aware of the cooperation and interest displayed by yourself and your faculty, of the zeal and industry of the profesor of military science and tactics (Col. C. Walace) and his officers and enlisted asistants, and of the high morals and sustained endeavor of the student membership of the corps. 270 That May the Army, in turn, received 136 newly commisioned officers from Auburn University ? out of a senior clas of 457 students. 271 With the date of America?s entrance into a global confrontation fast approaching, Auburn University Army ROTC was furnishing the Army with a tremendous number of wel-trained officers who could ably lead soldiers when the time came. 272 The best way to summarize how Army ROTC prepared the capabilities and character of Auburn University students for the coming war is through a Plainsman student-author?s description of what happened in May of 1939 during a parade held for the Alabama State Legislature Appropriations Commite. The author confesed that ?even to the best soldier there sometimes comes an urge to desert,? which proved true that day. Increasingly dark clouds acompanied by occasional lighting and thunder invoked ?a distinct stir of uneasines? among the cadets on the dril field. With each unit 270 ?ROTC Unit Given Excelent Rank for 20thTime,? Plainsman, May 12, 1939. 271 ?136 Cadets Receive ORC ommisions,? Plainsman, May 19, 1939. 272 A useful means of determining the relative size of the Auburn University Army ROTC program is found in the numbers of students from various universities who attended sumer camp, as outlined by the folowing list taken from ?158 auburn Juniors Atend Sumer Camp at Ft. Bening,? Plainsman, September 9, 1931: ?In camp there were 158 men from Auburn, 38 from the U. of Florida, 31 from the U. of Tenn., 22 from the U. of Alabama, 23 from Georgia Tech, and 1 from Iowa State.? The only other record available through which to make a comparison concerns the comisioning numbers for the 1956-1957 school year. That year, Auburn University commisioned 149, University of Florida 68, University of Tenese 63, University of Alabama 81, and Georgia Institute of Technology 119 (Iowa State University was not included on the list). Chart of ROTC Units Third Army Area: Schol Year 56-57, box 25, ?ROTC, Misc., 1956-57,? Pres. Draughon Papers. 76 waiting its turn to pas in review before the cadet colonel, one student remarked, ?I hate to lose anybody any money, but if it rains I?m leaving.? Immediately after that statement, Suddenly the water came down in sheets. As the wind was already blowing directly into the faces of the men, the rain became almost blinding. Remembering what the men had vowed, an officer said, ?Look on the road behind the reviewing stand felows.? The men looked. There in the road, alone now since the spectators had sought shelter and without a raincoat, stood Colonel Walace. That same torrent beat on him, too, but he stood at atention, unnaturaly rigid in the high wind, and saluted each time the colors pased. You know what happened. Every man marched in those drenching blasts until his uniform was a sogging mas, some of the platoons even had a beter line than they had ever had before. 273 The metaphor is obvious. As Plainsman articles indicate, Auburn University students recognized the situation in Poland and the rest of the world. 274 In spite of the looming war clouds, many of these students stil pursued commisions through Army ROTC, which enabled Auburn University Army ROTC to contribute a significant number of officers during the coming war. The university leadership and the ROTC cadre played an important role in encouraging students to make this decision. When summarizing the leson to learn from the above encounter at dril, the author posited, ?To men in uniform a sounding bugle and a waving flag might come to be mere emblems, but add to them an inspiring leader and even the elements can?t win.? 275 Although referring to Colonel Walace, the statement prompts one to consider the leadership of the university and the ROTC program. Through their cooperation, they gave meaningful direction and purpose to the national preparednes intent of the military training mandate of the Morril Act, transforming military training at Auburn University into an efective means of preparing for mas mobilization in wartime. Thus, Auburn University Army ROTC was able to 273 Batery Comander, ?The Editor?s Mailbox,? Plainsman, May 12, 1939. 274 For another example, se John Godbold, ?Before Tomorow,? Plainsman, May 2, 1939. 275 Batery Comander, ?The Editor?s Mailbox,? Plainsman, May 12, 1939. 77 fulfil General Leonard Wood?s mision intent by creating a viable reserve force for the nation to summon in time of national emergency. As the next chapter wil discuss, this relationship betwen Auburn University and its ROTC program enabled them both to efectualy participate in America?s national defense eforts during World War II. 78 World War II ?It is everyone?s duty to give complete support to our nation in this time of national emergency. It is our responsibility as a college and as individuals to do gladly everything we are caled on to do. We are in a war which we must win. It won?t be easy.? 276 ? Profesor Ralph B. Draughon, Executive Secretary Auburn University With the German invasion of Poland triggering World War II in Europe in September 1939, the Auburn University community suddenly became aware that they might soon be involved in another global struggle. In response the campus administration wholly commited the university to contributing to the national defense, initiating a war efort so intense that it atracted nation-wide atention from other colleges and universities. The Auburn University Army ROTC program played a substantial role in this efort by imediately furnishing large numbers of criticaly needed commisioned officers, by continuing to provide students with a basic level of military training, and by serving as a pre-existing apparatus through which the War Department could readily institute the Army Specialized Training Program (ASTP) for enlisted personnel. Since university actions during the Second World War displayed the greatest manifestation of the earnest desire of Auburn University to fulfil the national preparednes mandate of land grant universities, the focal point for this chapter is the relationship betwen the university and military training, as prominently displayed through Army ROTC during the war. The contributions of the ROTC program were three-fold. It supplied commisioned officers for the war efort, continued to train students in the basic course throughout the war, and provided the infrastructure and existing relationship with the War Department that was necesary for the university to host and train a special detachment of soldiers during the war. This unity of action and of 276 ?Auburn and the War---Coments by Duncan, Draughon, Yarbrough and Alen,? Plainsman, December 9, 1941. 79 national service intent displayed by Auburn University and its ROTC program is arguably the finest example of the contribution of collegiate military training at Auburn University to national defense. The experience overwhelmingly strengthened the asociation betwen Auburn University and the Army. One must appreciate this national defense mindset as exhibited by the university during World War II in order to appreciate the intense bond betwen the university and its Army ROTC program, and to beter recognize the significance of events during the 1960s that dramaticaly altered the form of that relationship. This chapter also reveals in more detail the record of the Reserve Oficers? Training Corps at Auburn University and highlights the significant wartime contributions of Auburn University during World War II. The start of World War II filed many Americans with a growing sense of unease as they witnesed the nation?s increasing commitment to the Alied cause. Acording to the 1941 President?s Report to the Board of Trustes, Auburn University students were no diferent: The uncertainties of the National situation, the unrest that the War has caused among al citizens has naturaly been reflected in the student body, but in general wholesome conditions have continued to exist, and the tradition of Auburn students of readines to serve the needs of the Country and the college in time of crisis has been steadfastly maintained. The students have been remarkably free from many of the ?isms? that are upseting students throughout the country. 277 Evidence of such ?unrest? appeared in many Plainsman articles during the two years preceding America?s entrance into the war. An early example is the January 1940 article ?Students Believe We Can Stay out of War,? which cites a national student opinion survey demonstrating that 68% of students believed America could abstain from ?the 277 Luther Duncan report to Board of Trustees, June 2, 1941, box 6, file 202, ?Duncan, President?s Report to the Board of Trustees, 1941,? Pres. Duncan Papers. 80 present European war.? 278 One student-writer in the Plainsman reminded his readers that in the event of intervention by the United States, ?It?s we who?ll be the glorious dead, but dead just the same.? He further outlined that, ?If the US is ever in danger of invasion, we?ll be there when the shooting starts, but until that real danger is upon us we figure that we can do more here, trying to improve something that we have.? 279 Other articles decried the undue favoritism that many American political and busines leaders extended to the British, which blinded the United States to British violations of international law and brought America closer to ?a war which we swear we don?t want or need.? 280 An article entitled, ?The First Die is Cast,? argued that permiting Americans either to send ships into conflict areas or to offer financial credit to beligerents was an initial step toward entering the war. The contributor rhetoricaly and sarcasticaly aserted that, ?Maybe we can even save the world for democracy again.? 281 Representing what appears to have been the minority opinion, not every contributor to the Plainsman in these years saw al forms of involvement in the war as something to avoid. A couple of noteworthy examples of support for the alied cause exist. After the federal government announced that it would begin sharing the latest American flight technology with France and Britain, one individual portrayed the fight as being betwen ?democracies? and ?totalitarianism,? which meant, ?America does have a stake in the war? and that ?seling materials now may save us from sending men later.? 282 Almost a year later, another article advocated a more pro-active approach to the European 278 ?Students Believe we Can Stay Out Of War,? Plainsman, January 16, 1940. 279 Herbert Martin, ?Plains Talk,? Plainsman, April 16, 1940. 280 John Ivey, Jr., ?Wel?,? Plainsman, April 19, 1940; ?Britain is Guilty To,? Plainsman, April 26, 1940. 281 ?The First Die is Cast,? Plainsman, April 30, 1940. For more examples of commentary writen in the hope of avoiding war, se ?American Undergraduates More and More in Favor of Staying Out of War,? Plainsman, May 14, 1940; Vivian Stallworth, ?War? Right or Wrong?,? Plainsman, April 25, 1941. 282 ?You, Me and The War,? Plainsman, March 29, 1940. 81 situation. Employing the final scene from Alfred Hitchcock?s Foreign Correspondent as the guiding ilustration for the commentary, that author mused, ?It?s al very wel to say that we wish to preserve democracy, even if we must fight to do so. But do we realy believe this?? Juxtaposing the isolationist desires of innumerable Americans with the urgent pleas by some for American intervention, the individual asked, ?When are we going to wake up?? 283 Like the rest of the country, Auburn University students recognized the path to war on which the nation was headed. One student from the university gained a glimpse of the German war machine during a ski trip to the German Alps that coincided with the German invasion of Austria. 284 As fascinating as such first-hand acounts are, Auburn University students only had to pay atention to the news to realize the seming inevitability of war. Responding to German aggresion against Poland, President Franklin Roosevelt?s September 8, 1939 declaration of a minor ?national emergency? signaled a definitive change. 285 The following year, one far-sighted student advised, ?Follow the diplomatic moves by the United States toward maters arising out of Japan?s moves toward the Dutch possesions nestling in the Asiatic waters. Things are beginning to pop in that vicinity.? 286 In October 1941, an entire page of the Plainsman, dedicated in honor of Navy Day, conveyed a sense of conclusivenes when elaborating that, ?the Navy has been able to acept and met the swift chalenge of the dangers to this nation lurking in the second World War.? 287 283 ?When Are we Going to Wake Up America?,? Plainsman, February 4, 1941. 284 Paul Weisz, ?Auburn Student Finds Adventure on Skis in Europe?s Theatre of War,? Plainsman, April 12, 1940. 285 Louis E. Kefer, Scholars in Foxholes: The Story of the Army Specialized Training Program in World War I (Jeferson, North Carolina: McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers, 198), 4. 286 John Ivey, Jr., ?Wel?,? Plainsman, April 19, 1940. 287 ?Navy Day to be Observed Monday,? Plainsman, October 24, 1941. 82 The university also encountered the chalenges of preparing for war. One of the first problems, which would plague the university throughout the war years, was losing quality faculty and staf to military service. The 1941 President?s Report to the Board of Trustes explains that, ?There have been some losses of excelent faculty members through the demands of the Military Services, and through the National Defense Program. This has?[left] the institution with a dificult problem of making adequate replacements.? For instance in early 1941 B. M. Cornel, head profesor of the Aeronautics Department, left to become Director of Ground Training at an Army airfield in Camden, South Carolina. 288 Despite ongoing limitations, the university efectively employed its resources to support national defense initiatives. This was facilitated by the fact that, ?In these times of national emergency and world-wide chaos, there has been a growing recognition upon the part of the Government, the people, busines, labor and industry, of the peculiarly efective training available in the Land-Grant Colleges.? An excelent ilustration is the Engineering Defense Training Program. Part of a statewide initiative conducted in cooperation with various universities in Alabama. Auburn University acted ?as truste for the administration of the courses,? which they provided at night to men ?who are anxious to aid in the national emergency by fiting themselves for a vital engineering defense job.? Additionaly, through its Civilian Pilot Training program ? sponsored in conjunction with the Civil Aeronautics Administration ? the university by June 1942 had trained 225 students during the past year and a half. 289 288 David Allen, ?Our Flying Lieutenant Cornel is Leaving Us--The Army Cals,? Plainsman, January 17, 1941. 289 Luther Duncan report to Board of Trustees, June 2, 1941, box 6, file 202, ?Duncan, President?s Report to the Board of Trustees, 1941,? Pres. Duncan Papers. 83 The national emergency likewise afected the Auburn University Army ROTC program. With the Army preparing for war during the 1940-1941 school year, the ROTC program lost seven of its active duty personnel. Only three remained, and the Army replaced them with thirten Reserve officers who were alumni of the university. Fortunately, the cadre maintained the high standards of the program in the face of acommodating these changes, with the program ataining an excelent rating that year for its twenty-second consecutive time. That year they commisioned 116 second lieutenants, with twenty-two more from that clas expected to commision soon. 290 Due most likely to the anticipated war, upon their commisioning the War Department activated al of these individuals ? except those receiving a deferment ? to active duty for one year. 291 On December 7, 1941, ?Al Auburn woke up?to find the United States in war again.? Understandably, ?No one was particularly surprised about it.? 292 A few of the university administrators offered their outlook on the war in comments made the following day. Among other statements, President Duncan avowed that, ?Of course the Alabama Polytechnic Institute, in keeping with its long tradition, wil cooperate fully in support of the international policy proclaimed by our President and our Congres.? The Auburn University Executive Secretary, Ralph Draughon, implored everyone to wilingly do their duty, and he commended the recent military expansion by praising ?the wisdom 290 Ibid. 291 ?Corps Area Comanders to Order to Duty Al Senior Graduates in ROTC,? Plainsman, May 21, 1941. 292 ?To the Students,? Plainsman, December 9, 1941. 84 of President Roosevelt in recognizing that in this world today we are dealing with forces who know no law and order.? 293 The students had their own thoughts on the war. First, they al wondered how long it would last. Disregarding the optimism of some of their peers, the Plainsman staff wrote, ?we?re inclined to be more pesimistic?We think it?ll either be a mater of a couple of weks?or a long, long time.? 294 Their second main topic of conversation pondered what should be their imediate response. Several articles published in the next few days after the atack encouraged the students to remain at school. 295 President Duncan advocated this proposition, stating that ?I admonish our young men and young women students to view this mater soberly and calmly, to keep their fet on the ground and to go steadily ahead with their college work until they are caled upon by the Government.? 296 Most students heeded his advice, with only a few withdrawing from school; ?eight were drafted, two voluntered, two went to enlist in the Royal Canadian Air Force, one enlisted in the U. S. Army Air Corps, one joined the RAF, and one left, ?On acount of the war?.? In contrast to the conventional narrative of mas enlistments in reaction to Pearl Harbor, at Auburn University ?The general atitude of the students sems to be one of grim determination to go steadily ahead with the job at hand until caled upon by their country.? 297 A Plainsman article reinforced this mindset by 293 ?Auburn and the War---Coments by Duncan, Draughon, Yarbrough and Alen,? Plainsman, December 9, 1941. 294 ?To the Students,? Plainsman, December 9, 1941. 295 ?What Then Are Your Ods in This War,? Plainsman, December 9, 1941; ?And Now What?,? Plainsman, December 12, 1941; Jimy Pasteur, ?Only Fiften Students Leave Auburn for Military Reasons,? Plainsman, December 19, 1941. 296 ?Auburn and the War---Coments by Duncan, Draughon, Yarbrough and Alen,? Plainsman, December 9, 1941. 297 Jimy Pasteur, ?Only Fiften Students Leave Auburn for Military Reasons,? Plainsman, December 19, 1941. 85 emphasizing that students with college experience were more likely to become officers after either enlisting or being drafted. 298 Auburn University quickly adopted several wartime measures. Some of these were relatively simple additions to campus life. For instance, the Home Economics Department worked with the Red Cross to provide clases in canten service and nutrition, and the university administration formed a campus Commite for Civilian Defense to prepare for possible air raids. 299 Some war related changes, however, were more significant. For example, on January 13, 1942, President Duncan submited a ?war-time proposal? that fundamentaly restructured the courses of instruction at Auburn University. 300 Previously, as part of a nation-wide efort among American universities to secure a viable role in the war efort, the Commite on Military Afairs of the National Commite on Education and Defense had cosponsored with the United States Ofice of Education the National Conference of College and University Presidents on Higher Education and the War, which met betwen January 3-4. 301 The resolutions and recommendations of this conference prompted president Duncan to implement a new education model whereby ?in June 1942 the 298 ?To the Students,? Plainsman, December 19, 1941. 299 ?New Defense Courses Begin on Monday,? Plainsman, January 9, 1942; ?What?s the Use of Air Raid Precautions?,? Plainsman, February 20, 1942; ?Campus Civilian Defense is Organized,? Plainsman, February 17, 1942. 300 Charles Edwards, ?Special Features of Auburn?s War-Time Program,? box 6, file 209, ?Duncan, Quarter System ? Policy, 1940-42,? Pres. Duncan Papers. 301 Keefer, ?Scholars in Foxholes,? 13; Comite on Military Afairs of the National Comite on Education and Defense and the United States Ofice of Education, Resolutions and Recommendations Adopted by the National Conference of Colege and University Presidents on Higher Education and the War, 1942, box 6, file 209, ?Duncan, Quarter System ? Policy, 1940-42,? Pres. Duncan Papers. 86 college would go on a continuous program of instruction with the year divided into four quarters of twelve weks each.? 302 The three main features of this new program were acelerated academics, which provided a ?four-year? degree in three years; daily physical training; and military instruction and dril, which remained exclusive to able-bodied male students. 303 As Auburn University Executive Secretary Draughon later clarified, the new program was ?based upon the contemplation that the destination of every able-bodied male student is in the armed forces? 304 Nevertheles, Auburn University also incorporated the system with women in mind; in addition to being subject to the faster paced academic schedule, they also participated in the enhanced physical fitnes regimen because president Duncan believed that ?After leaving college our graduates, both men and women, wil go into branches of the armed forces, take jobs in the defense industries, or do other work in which a sound body wil enable them to give maximum efort during the emergency.? 305 For men, the university required four hours per wek of physical fitnes, entailing ?calisthenics, mas games, ?heavy apparatus and sports fundamentals,? road marching, and a 650 yard obstacle course that the university built for the new regimen. 306 Despite these intrusive wartime alterations of campus life, the hardest felt change for the students was probably the cesation of intercollegiate footbal for the duration, with one student 302 Charles Edwards, ?Special Features of Auburn?s War-Time Program,? box 6, file 209, ?Duncan, Quarter System ? Policy, 1940-42,? Pres. Duncan Papers. 303 ?API to Go on Quarter System in June,? Plainsman, January 16, 1942. 304 R.B. Draughon to President C. B. Hodges of Louisiana State University, October 19, 1942, box 6, file 216, ?Duncan, ROTC, Miscelaneous, 1940-47,? Pres. Duncan Papers. 305 Charles Edwards, ?Special Features of Auburn?s War-Time Program,? box 6, file 209, ?Duncan, Quarter System ? Policy, 1940-42,? Pres. Duncan Papers. 306 Charles Edwards, ?Special Features of Auburn?s War-Time Program,? box 6, file 209, ?Duncan, Quarter System ? Policy, 1940-42,? Pres. Duncan Papers; ; David Allen, ?At Last! We Finally Got Our Obstacle Course,? Plainsman, July 7, 1942; ?Cadet Gray Gives Way to Khaki for ROTC Uniforms,? Plainsman, June 8, 1943. 87 lamenting, ?in al corners of the globe Auburn men bow their heads in sincere shame and regret that their Alma Mater should have to submit herself to such humiliation.? 307 Wartime demands also prompted several changes to the Auburn University Army ROTC program. Having served with the unit since 1939, PMS&T Colonel Waterman retired from active duty after 36 years of service; however, by order of the War Department, he remained at his post for the rest of the war. 308 The first significant wartime diference came with the announcement on February 13, 1942 that the War Department had canceled Army ROTC junior summer camp for both the duration as wel as six months afterwards. Colonel Waterman elaborated that the cancelation was due to the numerous colleges and universities that had reduced by a year the time required to graduate. 309 A few days later on February 17, the PMS&T further announced that the Army had decided to lower the minimum commisioning age from twenty-one to eighten, qualifying many additional individuals to commision that May. Al of the new officers ? except those with deferments ? would receive orders for active duty service. 310 For advanced cadets and other students who were enlisted in the Army Reserves, when the Army would activate them was an important question. In a statement released 307 ?It Gives Us An Empty Feling,? Plainsman, July 9, 1943. 308 ?Waterman Retires from Active Duty,? Plainsman, January 16, 1942. 309 ?Junior Sumer ROTC Camps are Cancelled,? Plainsman, February 13, 1942. 310 ?Army Comision Age Lowered to 18,? Plainsman, February 17, 1942. Photo from ?New 105-MM Guns Arive for ROTC Training,? Plainsman, July 24, 1942. 88 by Colonel Waterman in January 1943, the Secretary of War outlined this proces. The senior cadets simply waited until commisioning before going on active duty. For the junior cadets, the Army sent them to basic training at a replacement training center, which took the place of second year advanced course ROTC. They would afterwards atend Oficers Candidate School (OCS). With the War Department prohibiting any more cadets from entering advanced ROTC for the rest of the war, civilian junior level advanced cadets could volunter for the enlisted reserve in order to participate in this final opportunity through ROTC to become an officer. Enlisted students studying in the medical fields possesed opportunities for remaining in their work. For freshmen and sophomores not in those fields, the War Department sent them to basic training after the Winter Quarter, but the department alowed those who were qualified to return and pursue special course work for the Army. 311 During this time, Auburn University administrators expresed the hope that the numbers of such individuals returning to school for military training might provide the university with a significant role in the mobilization proces. Early in 1943, Executive Secretary Draughon visited Washington D. C. specificaly for this purpose. He acquired information pertaining to efective utilization of their ROTC program, and of particular importance to the university, he investigated the prospect of Auburn University hosting either an Army Air Corps cadet unit or a new Army training program. Not surprisingly, the university appears to have been wel connected to a few key Army personnel. Draughon described one general who, having a son at Auburn University, was ?red hot to 311 ?Waterman Gives New War Status,? Plainsman, January 5, 1943. 89 help us? and working ?to shake something loose.? 312 The Army Specialized Training Program (ASTP) was the most valued prize. In Scholars in Foxholes: The Story of the Army Specialized Training Program in World War II, Louis E. Kefer examines the history of the ASTP in order to examine the reasons for its creation, the nature of its operation, and the reasons why the Army dismantled it after approximately a year. He criticaly evaluates the program, considering the ASTP?s afects upon the soldiers it trained and its efectivenes to mobilization as a whole. Kefer argues that, in the early days following the atack of Pearl Harbor, college and university profesors offered the soundest ideas for how to resolve the manpower needs of the nation. They were motivated, at least in part, by the recognition that a mas exodus of students into the Army could prove disastrous for college enrollment. 313 With the financial problems of the Great Depresion stil manifest, such tremendous enrollment drops could ? and did in some cases ? instigate the financial collapse of universities. 314 Thus, they sought a substantial means of contributing to the war efort. 315 To be fair, regarding institutions boasting a vibrant relationship with military training, like Auburn University, one may convincingly argue that their leadership also supported this goal based upon patriotic fervor and first-hand knowledge of the benefits of on campus military training. By late 1942, leaders from multiple universities isued a statement directed toward the War Department, proposing that ?a college training corps be set up to function in as many institutions as possible,? which would offer ?technical training with the armed 312 R.B. Draughon, Trip to Washington, February 5, 1943, box 6, file 216, ?Duncan, ROTC, Miscelaneous, 1940-47,? Pres. Duncan Papers. 313 Keefer, ?Scholars in Foxholes,? 13. 314 Ibid., 31. 315 Ibid., 13. 90 forces.? 316 President Roosevelt, in turn, asked Secretary of War Henry Stimson to consider the idea. 317 While this served as an additional goad to action, the Army had already begun pondering the isue. Brigadier General Joe N. Dalton, Personnel Director for the Army Service Force, contended during October 1942 that, ?no other single problem which faces us is as important to the Army and the Nation as this problem of education under an Army college-training program.? 318 After a proces of deliberation, on December 17, 1942 the federal government diseminated its plan in a publication entitled the ?Joint Statement of the Secretary of War and the Secretary of the Navy on Utilization of College Facilities in Specialized Training for the Army and Navy.? 319 Army Chief of Staf General Marshal outlined the purpose of the program. The Army intended for the ASTP to overcome ?a shortage of men possesing desirable combinations of inteligence, aptitude, education, and training in fields such as medicine, engineering, languages, science, mathematics, and psychology? by ensuring ?that there would be no interruption in the flow of profesionaly trained and technicaly trained men? proceding from colleges and universities. 320 On February 12, 1943, the Plainsman revealed president Duncan?s announcement that the War Department had selected Auburn University to provide engineering 316 Ibid., 27. They ofered this recomendation in the form of an oficial statement from the American Council on Education. 317 Ibid., 27-28. 318 Ibid., 28, 292. 319 Ibid., 37. Note: both the Navy and Army had their own versions of the specialized training program; however, this paper is only concerned with the ASTP. For those interested, an examination of president Duncan?s Report to the Board of Trustees for 1943 and 194 indicates that Auburn University did not host the Naval Version of the specialized training program, but it did provide aviation and radio training to seamen. 320 Ibid., 40. 91 instruction to a unit of the ASTP. 321 Members of the university community also soon learned that Auburn University would maintain an ASTP veterinary unit. 322 Based on the correspondence that followed, these new programs, which exhibited a remarkable similarity to ROTC, must have confused some university personnel. Acordingly, Duncan received from the Army a leter dated February 4, 1943, which delineated several of the particulars for how the ASTP would afect the Auburn University. Writen by Brigadier General Edward E. Smith, Executive for Reserve and ROTC Afairs, the leter afirmed that for the ASTP program the Army would employ every colege and university offering advanced course ROTC. Given that general policy, the following statement may have been praise that universities other than Auburn received as wel: ?The contribution which your institution has made over the years to an adequate national defense is distinctly recognized by the War Department and is one of the most compeling factors in selecting your institution in its educational program.? At any rate, the leter further explained that the ASTP would not coopt ROTC but instead operate alongside it, utilizing the ROTC ?system and its framework to the maximum consistent with the Army Specialized Training Program.? Despite the cesation of advanced course ROTC, for the rest of the war the basic course would continue to prepare male students for military service, typicaly until they were drafted or old enough to enlist. Although intended to elucidate maters, the general further posited, ?The name ?R.O.T.C.? wil be retained in the A.S.T.P. as wel as in the basic.? 323 From this statement, one can readily comprehend why numerous individuals erroneously thought that the ASTP would alow 321 ?API to Train Army Enginers for WMC,? Plainsman, February 12, 1943. 322 ?Sixty-Five Men Enroled in Army Veterinary Training,? Plainsman, June 8, 1943. 323 Brigadier General Edward Smith to Luther Duncan, February 4, 1943, box 6, file 216, ?Duncan, ROTC, Miscelaneous, 1940-47,? Pres. Duncan Papers. 92 soldiers an opportunity to atend Oficer Candidate School ? as opposed to being principaly a program to train enlisted personnel. 324 To populate the ASTP units, the Army originaly sent soldiers from various training camps directly to the universities. This initial plan proved unsatisfactory after a large number of under-qualified soldiers entered the ASTP. Realizing that the ?field selection boards? lacked the prerequisite cognizance of contemporary university standards, the Army asigned Specialized Training and Reasignment (STAR) units at twenty-two diferent colleges. 325 Auburn University was one of these universities, and from April 15, 1943 to September 1943 its STAR unit procesed over 5,000 soldiers who would either enter the ASTP or return to regular duty. 326 The STAR units? specific purpose was for ?receiving, housing, clasifying, and instructing personnel selected by Army Specialized Training Program field selection boards? as eligible to enter the ASTP. Within these duties, the chief function was ?the testing and clasification of trainees.? While there, the trainees might participate in activities such as military training, sundry duties, and refresher courses. They also enjoyed liberty from 1600 Saturday to 1830 Sunday. Recognizing that the college environment might appear ?les demanding? than their previous training asignments, one directive stresed that STAR units reinforce this ?strong sense of discipline? by occupying these soldiers incesantly with meaningful activity. 327 324 Keefer, ?Scholars in Foxholes,? 71-78. 325 Keefer, ?Scholars in Foxholes,? 52. 326 Luther Duncan report to Board of Trustes, June 7, 1943, box 6, file 204, ?Duncan, President?s Report to the Board of Trustees, 1943,? Pres. Duncan Papers; Luther Duncan report to Board of Trustees, June 5, 1944, box 6, file 205, ?Duncan, President?s Report to the Board of Trustes, 1944,? Pres. Duncan Papers. 327 Information: S.T.A.R. Units Army Specialized Training Program, box 6, file 215, ?Duncan, ROTC, Army Specialists Training, 1943-44,? Pres. Duncan Papers. 93 Although succesful in their primary mision, the STAR unit at Auburn University may have created a les than austere impresion in regard to their later asignment, as highlighted by the July 1943 article, ??STARs Have Easy Life? Says the Hardened Infantryman.? The contributor concluded that for soldiers temporarily asigned to Auburn University ?it certainly does sem like a G. I. vacation to most of the boys who come here straight from maneuvers, a permanent camp, or worst of al, a replacement training center.? They tremendously appreciated the chance to gain plenty of slep and to eat the excelent food. These trainees also enjoyed the environment. On the one hand, they could enjoy the company of ?men whose inteligence and abilities are above those of the average soldier.? On the other hand, they thoroughly valued the ?tactical advantage? of being stationed near a town where the trainees could interact with civilians ? ?particularly female[s].? 328 Such was hardly the experience at STAR units nation-wide. Kefer explains that for some soldiers the qualification and evaluation proces was truly miserable, but he chose Auburn University as a particularly striking example of the reverse, offering this statement from a leter sent home: ?I don?t believe it. This place is beautiful. Miracles never cease. I never dreamt army men could enjoy the kind of living that goes on here. It?s beter than paradise!? 329 On July 8, 1943, Auburn University began a three-day orientation program for its first clas of ASTP trainees. The university would provide these 400 men with 36 weks of basic course engineering instruction, consisting of three twelve-wek terms. In addition to the typical orientation procedures necesary to prepare the soldiers for their first day of clas that following Monday, the university also provided a warm welcome 328 Pvt. Peter H. Weidenreich, ??STARs Have Easy Life? Says the Hardened Infantryman,? Plainsman, July 9, 1943. 329 Keefer, ?Scholars in Foxholes,? 56. 94 for the soldiers during a formal reception at president Duncan?s home. Under the leadership of the Women?s Student Government Asociation, coeds also provided the newcomers with hospitality. 330 Understandably, like those sent to the STAR unit, the trainees reporting to the Auburn University ASTP unit quickly developed a favorable opinion of the campus. Acording to a Plainsman article, their general opinion was that ?Everyone in Auburn sems to go out of their way to help the service man.? 331 The faculty and staf at Auburn University whole-heartedly gave their full support to the program. In an evaluation conducted after the disbandment of the ASTP at Auburn University, Draughon would later afirm, ?This institution takes some pride in the fact that it gave its best facilities, a picked faculty, and its best services to the ASTP.? 332 A memo from Draughon to president Duncan corroborates this asertion. Because he expected the trainees arriving at the STAR and ASTP units to be of exceptional intelect, Draughon argued that their profesors should likewise ?be of superior atainments.? 333 In response, the president requested that al deans and department heads ?cooperate to the fullest with Mr. Draughon? regarding any personnel requests. 334 With the commitment of the best resources of the university to the ASTP, the trainees also had to exert their best efort in order to remain in the ?tremendously intensive? program. Draughon explained that course work for ASTP students consumed 48 hours a wek ? as opposed to 18 hours for the civilian college students. 335 In a leter to his father, one Auburn University ASTP 330 ?ASTP Enginering Unit Invades Auburn,? Plainsman, July 9, 1943. 331 ?Crosed Canon and Castles,? Plainsman, July 9, 1943. 332 R. B. Draughon, Criticism of ASTP, August 2, 194, box 6, file 215, ?Duncan, ROTC, Army Specialists Training, 1943-44,? Pres. Duncan Papers. 333 Memorandum by R. B. Draughon, June 2, 1943, box 6, file 215, ?Duncan, ROTC, Army Specialists Training, 1943-44,? Pres. Duncan Papers. 334 Memorandum by Luther Duncan, June 2, 1943, box 6, file 215, ?Duncan, ROTC, Army Specialists Training, 1943-44,? Pres. Duncan Papers. 335 ?Draughon Outlines API?s Part In Al-Out War,? Plainsman, October 1, 1943. 95 student confirmed that, ?We go from 8:00 in the morning ?til 8:40 at night. They realy slap it on you fast?I know a lot of felows have said they would rather be back in the infantry. I am almost inclined to think so myself.? 336 The burdensome workload exacted a relatively high toll upon these soldiers, with approximately 50% failing during this first term. 337 Seking a resolution to this excesive washout rate, Draughon explained to Colonel J. W. Harrelson, the Asistant Chief of the A.S.T. Branch, Fourth Service Command, that the atrition rate revealed ?the severity of the curriculum? and not ?the real ability of the trainees.? 338 Perhaps due to improvements in the course curriculum, the second ASPT term performed much beter with approximately 10% flunking. 339 Nevertheles, the performance of the Auburn University ASTP unit on standardized Army tests consistently distinguished the university as ranking among the best of al the ASTP host institutions. To ilustrate, Auburn University ?ranked [either] first or second in chemistry among 43 colleges tested in Term 1 curriculum?; ?[either] first or second?in Term 1 physics, mathematics, and geography?; and ?in Term 1 English it placed among the first three.? Over the course of four terms, these high marks ranked Auburn University in quality of instruction alongside universities such as Vanderbilt, Stanford, Princeton, Yale, and Georgia Tech. 340 This performance also credited Auburn University with possesing the top ASTP unit in the South. 341 336 Keefer, ?Scholars in Foxholes,? 229. 337 ?Over a Thousand ASTs Wil be In New Term; Some Leave for AAF,? Plainsman, January 7, 1944. 338 R. B. Draughon to Colonel J. W. Harelson, September 1, 1943, box 6, file 215, ?Duncan, ROTC, Army Specialists Training, 1943-44,? Pres. Duncan Papers. 339 ?Over a Thousand ASTs Wil be In New Term; Some Leave for AAF,? Plainsman, January 7, 194. 340 ?ASTP Unit Remains at the Top,? Plainsman, March 17, 194. 341 Luther Duncan report to Board of Trustes, June 5, 194, box 6, file 205, ?Duncan, President?s Report to the Board of Trustees, 194,? Pres. Duncan Papers. 96 In the face of an extremely burdensome academic schedule, the ASTP students stil managed to build close bonds with the campus community during various social events that they sponsored. A fine example is the variety show they presented for the residents of Auburn at Langdon Hal in December 1943. This was the soldiers? way of conveying their appreciation for the hospitality of the community. 342 ASTP students also sponsored several dances, which offered them the opportunity to build amicable relationships with the coeds. 343 The later might easily have been their chief priority alongside their military training, if this comment from the Plainsman is any indication: ?There is another aspect about Auburn that rates very highly with the soldiers?the girls?Several soldiers declared that they were ?the pretiest gals we?ve sen since we?ve been in the Army?.? 344 From the other perspective, one acount aserts that the women did not entirely fel the same way at first. The coeds did not appreciate the ASTP students acting ?as if they owned the place? or the ASTP formations marching to clas forcing the coeds out of their way. Fortunately, the ASTP soon delivered a more favorable impresion as they managed to fit into the campus way of life, with one female student stating that after a while, ?we realized the ASTs were a rather nice bunch of felows after al.? As a testament to the relationship betwen the ASTP and the regular students, the 1944 Glomerata included a 24-page section devoted to the ASTP students. Of course, no relationship is perfect, as this coed explained: ?We do have one complaint, 342 ?AST Unit to Present Show for Auburn,? Plainsman, December 10, 1943. 343 An Auburn Coed, ?Auburn Coed Finds ASTs ?All Right,? Plainsman, February 18, 194; ?Private?s Prom to Feature ?Pin-Up-Girl?,? Plainsman, March 10, 194; ?ASTs Give Bost to Saturday Night Dances in Gym,? Plainsman, March 28, 194. 344 ?Crosed Canon and Castles,? Plainsman, July 9, 1943. 97 and that is we wish they wouldn?t whistle and ?eyes right? when a girl walks by, but maybe that?s the same as saying we wish wolves wouldn?t howl.? 345 Despite the apparent succes of the Auburn University ASTP unit, in 1944 president Duncan received a memo from the Army Chief of Staf, who explained that I am aware of your strong feling regarding the Army Specialized Training Program. However, I wish you to know that in my opinion we are no longer justified in holding 140,000 men in this training when it represents the only source from which we can obtain the required personnel, especialy with a certain degree of inteligence and training, except by disbanding already organized combat units. I recognize that it would be desirable, if circumstances permited, to withdraw personnel from the Army Specialized Training Program only as they complete scheduled terms of instruction; however, our need for these basicaly trained men is imediate and imperative. 346 Keefer outlines that the manpower crisis of 1943 precipitated the decision of the War Department to masively reduce the ASTP. Neding about 446,000 additional soldiers by the end of the year, Army leadership sought to enhance their combat strength through reorganizing units in such a manner as would release every unnecesary soldier for combat duty. The 7.7 milion-man limit that Congres had imposed on the Army necesitated this internal approach. By the middle of January 1944, Chief of Staf General Marshal learned that the European Theatre needed an extra 50,000 combat troops within the next couple of months. 347 This abrupt requirement meant the Army could not wait for potential draftes to finish training, but they had no more replacements available. With no other option, on February 10, 1944 General Marshal officialy asked 345 An Auburn Coed, ?Auburn Coed Finds ASTs ?All Right,? Plainsman, February 18, 194. 346 Memorandum for the Secretary of War from the Chief of Staf, U.S. Army, February 10, 194, box 6, file 215, ?Duncan, ROTC, Army Specialists Training, 1943-44,? Pres. Duncan Papers. Emphasis in original. 347 Keefer, ?Scholars in Foxholes,? 168. 98 Secretary of War Stimson to disolve the ASTP. 348 President Roosevelt approved the plan on February 18, 1944. 349 Understandably, some members of the academic community were hardly pleased when the Army announced its plan to reduce the ASTP from 145,000 to 35,000 trainees. 350 Kefer, who was in the ASTP during World War II, aserts that much of their protest actualy regarded how the change might adversely afect the financial situation of colleges and universities, instead of expresing concern for the soldiers themselves. 351 For Auburn University the financial situation imposed by the loss of the government contract for the ASTP does not appear to have been a particularly great concern. First, the university had a steadily increasing rate of women students who helped to compensate for the men who left the university due either to the draft or to enlistment. For example, betwen the 1933-1934 school year and the 1942-1943 school year women enrollment grew from 241 to 1101. Second, the university maintained contracts to provide other forms of military training, such as aviation and radio training. Third, the university believed that of the thousands of men already discharged from the service and in the state at least some of them would soon enroll at Auburn. 352 As far as the Army was concerned, Kefer contends that most of its leadership felt ambivalent toward the program. 353 General Lesley J. McNair, Commander of the Army Ground Forces, was possibly the most outspoken Army officer against it, believing that college training did not 348 Ibid., 168-169. 349 Ibid., 169. 350 Keefer, ?Scholars in Foxholes,? 181-182; Major General J. A. Ulio to Luther Duncan, February 24, 1944, box 6, file 215, ?Duncan, ROTC, Army Specialists Training, 1943-44,? Pres. Duncan Papers. 351 Keefer, ?Scholars in Foxholes,? 182. 352 Luther Duncan report to Board of Trustes, June 5, 194, box 6, file 205, ?Duncan, President?s Report to the Board of Trustees, 194,? Pres. Duncan Papers. 353 Keefer, ?Scholars in Foxholes,? 31. 99 significantly increase a soldier?s combat prowes. 354 Kefer argues that, although wel intentioned, the ASTP ?was probably established more because of politics and having the ?right people? in favor of it than because high-ranking Army personnel felt it possesed true military purpose.? 355 On March 28, 1944, the Plainsman announced the imediate disbandment of the Auburn University ASTP engineer unit, which represented its largest contingent of the ASTP. 356 The Plainsman staf dedicated that isue to the departing ASTP soldiers, alowing Private Robert L. Thompson to serve as editor. The following poem commemorated the ASTP participants? collective feling about the sudden news of their transfer: Say goodby [sic] to the slide rules and textbooks, Say goodby to the Auburn coeds and clases, And take one last spree As you finish term III, For you?re going right out on your??ear. It wil make litle diference to study, You?re just like the rest of the dupes, For win, lose, or draw, You?ll be eating it raw, And heading right back for the troops. The dear days at Auburn are over, The profs and the T-squares are gone So cry in your beers, You poor engineers, You?ll be digging a ditch from here on. 357 354 Ibid., 31-33. 355 Ibid., 31. 356 Mimi Sims, ?Auburn?s ASTP Students Leave This Wek,? Plainsman, March 28, 194. Of note, the veterinarian unit remained at Auburn University a litle longer. The Plainsman announced its disbandment on June 9, 1944 in the article ?Vet ASTP Unit is Disbanded.? 357 ?Say Godby,? Plainsman, March 28, 194. 100 The university community was likewise sorry to se them leave. President Duncan described ?the source of real happines? that asociating with the ASTP trainees had provided and stated that as part of the university war efort, ?nothing we have done in this entire program has given us more pleasure or real joy than to participate in your training.? 358 In this edition of the Plainsman, PMS&T Colonel Waterman also expresed his regret over the departure of a unit that had markedly impresed him, as revealed in a previous statement: ?I?ve dealt with a great many young men in the last 50 years?but these boys are the best appearing and are more serious minded in their work than any with whom I have been asociated. My work with them has been a pleasure.? 359 The rest of the Auburn community also received a final opportunity on March 28, 1944 to convey their best wishes, when the ASTP unit marched from the campus to the train station in companies with the Auburn Band at the lead. A Plainsman article depicted the scene as reminiscent of one of those tear jerkin? I?ll-be-waitin? when you-come- marching-home-Johnny-dear movies. It would be hard to say when Auburn has sen such another mas exodus??or such concerted interest on the part of the students and townspeople. 360 Responding in kind, an Army official later articulated his service branch?s tremendous appreciation for the profesional and steadfast support that Auburn University had extended toward the Army. Major General Uhl, Commanding General of the Army Service Forces Headquarters, Fourth Service Command, praised the Auburn University war efort, stating that, The Institute has been one of the main factors in the Army Specialized Training Program since its inception during the Spring of 1943. The wholehearted cooperation and asistance given the Army by the 358 Luther Duncan, ??A Warm Place in Our Hearts?,? Plainsman, March 28, 194. 359 John J. Waterman, ?It?s Ben a Pleasure, Men,? Plainsman, March 28, 194; ?Military Personalities,? Plainsman, February 18, 194. 360 Dotie Wodal, ?Band, Bikes, Dogs, Gals, Say Goodbye to AST Pals,? Plainsman, March 31, 194. 101 administration heads and the faculty of the Institute has contributed materialy to the war efort, and merits the highest commendation. 361 The university had also distinguished itself through numerous other programs that it had sponsored alongside the ASTP. The following chart offers a cursory overview of the Auburn University war efort as of June 5, 1944: Civilian Pilot Training????????????????....? 378 Trainees Army Air Corps, Marine Corps, and Naval Aviation Training....... 1,031 Trainees Naval Radio Training???????????????.??. 2,725 Trainees Signal Corps Pre-Radar Training?????????????... 375 Trainees Vocational Training for War Production?????????.... 2,944 Trainees Engineering Science & War Management Training (In 28 Alabama cities)????????????????... 26,050 Trainees Army Specialized Training???................????????. 1,392 Trainees Total?34,895 Trainees 362 When surveying these numbers, one might recal President Duncan?s statement on the day after the atack on Pearl Harbor. In his afirmation of the commitment of the university to contributing wholeheartedly to the war efort, Duncan had prefaced his asertion with the expresion, ?Of course.? 363 Those two words speak volumes about the past history of the university. For Auburn University contributing to national defense was nothing new. As a land-grant university, the very identity of Auburn University rested upon military preparednes, and the integration of Army ROTC into its culture during the interwar years had made those preparations ubiquitous to campus life. Therefore, in 1942 Draughon confidently boasted that ?as a result of our ROTC program we believe we have 361 Major General F. E. Uhl to Luther Duncan, February 26, 1945, box 6, file 216, ?Duncan, ROTC, Miscelaneous, 1940-47,? Pres. Duncan Papers. 362 Luther Duncan report to Board of Trustes, June 5, 194, box 6, file 205, ?Duncan, President?s Report to the Board of Trustees, 194,? Pres. Duncan Papers. Given these numbers, one can understand why Draughon stated that, ?It is our sincere belief that no colege in the country has in proportion to its faculty and staf made a greater contribution to the war efort than the Alabama Polytechnic Institute.? Found in R.B. Draughon to President C. B. Hodges of Louisiana State University, October 19, 1942, box 6, file 216, ?Duncan, ROTC, Miscelaneous, 1940-47,? Pres. Duncan Papers. 363 ?Auburn and the War---Coments by Duncan, Draughon, Yarbrough and Alen,? Plainsman, December 9, 1941. 102 as high a percentage of officers in proportion to the number of students trained as any institution in the country, even including Texas A. & M.? 364 Maintaining an annual commisioning rate of around one hundred ? and often larger ? for the previous ten years, the university had been providing a sizable contribution to national defense through its Army ROTC program for years before the war. 365 This prior history of ROTC training provided the bulk of the contribution of the Auburn University Army ROTC advanced course to the war efort, while the basic course continued throughout the war to introduce students to Army life before they in most instances were drafted or decided to enlist. For this reason, the ASTP as a detachment operating under the supervision and existing infrastructure of ROTC represents the greatest singularly, localy displayed contribution of ROTC to World War II. Without its Army ROTC program, Auburn University would not have possesed the prerequisite relationship with the War Department necesary to host an ASTP unit. Indeed, the history of Army ROTC at Auburn University is intimately connected to the history of the university itself because both entities enable the other to more efectively contribute to the greater good of society - regionaly and nationaly. During World War II, this close relationship culminated in what is arguably the finest example of the contribution of collegiate military training to national defense. The experience overwhelmingly strengthened the asociation betwen Auburn University and the Army. President Duncan?s statement to General Uhl near the end of the war ilustrates this relationship: 364 R.B. Draughon to President C. B. Hodges of Louisiana State University, October 19, 1942, box 6, file 216, ?Duncan, ROTC, Miscelaneous, 1940-47,? Pres. Duncan Papers. 365 The sources available do not ofer a means of comparing these numbers with similarly sized land-grant universities; however, footnote 125 in Chapter 2 contains information that suggests what might have been the relative size of the Auburn University Army ROTC program. 103 May I expres?the appreciation of the institution for the opportunity to serve and especialy for the most cordial and cooperative spirit uniformly maintained by the officers with whom we have dealt in carrying out this program. One of the real pleasures of my administration during this period has been the opportunity of meting these fine representatives of the Army? 366 Although events in the 1960s would later test the perseverance of this bond, Auburn and the Army through the medium of ROTC would continue to acommodate one another for their mutual benefit. 366 Luther Duncan to General F. E. Uhl, March 2, 1945, box 6, file 216, ?Duncan, ROTC, Miscelaneous, 1940-47,? Pres. Duncan Papers. 104 The Decentering of ROTC In the years imediately following World War II, the course of development for the Army ROTC program at Auburn University followed a similar patern as it did during the interwar years. The technology and infrastructure changed, but the fundamental nature of the training remained the same. Concurrently, the university developed a closer relationship with the War Department ? which eventualy became the Department of Defense ? through welcoming the establishment of Navy and Air Force ROTC. This chapter briefly outlines these developments, but the primary focus is the decision by the university leadership in 1969 to replace its compulsory ROTC training program with a voluntary one. This dramatic year of change for Auburn University coincided with the persistent national trend of universities abolishing their mandatory ROTC programs and paraleled the pronounced distrust that many Americans in the late 1960s ? particularly those on campus ? felt toward the United States military. To gain insight into the 1969 decision that removed ROTC from the center of campus life for Auburn male students, this chapter examines the multifaceted nature of Auburn University?s decision to adopt a voluntary ROTC program, paying special atention to the national political situation occurring during the time of the decision, and to the many individuals connected with the university who contributed to the decision making proces. The primary source supporting this chapter is the Auburn University records asociated with president Harry Philpott, which chronicle the leading role that university administrators played in the 1969 decision. These records in conjunction with articles from the Auburn Plainsman indicate that student actions opposing mandatory ROTC came in response to initiatives from the university profesors and administration. For 105 example, an Auburn Plainsman article from May 1969 explains, ?The suggestion to replace the present compulsory basic two-year ROTC program with an optional one was first proposed by Project ?67, a university self-study.? 367 Similarly, the Auburn University Student Government Asociation pased on January 13, 1969 a resolution in support of a voluntary ROTC program, which occurred after the January 7, 1969 appointment of the university ROTC Study Commite. 368 This suggests that the faculty and staf represented the driving force behind the removal of mandatory ROTC at Auburn University. Secondary sources outline that their actions corresponded with the growing disafection that many university communities throughout the nation exhibited toward ROTC during this time as a result of American involvement in Vietnam. University records specify that they acted in response to the national and regional trend of land grant universities replacing their mandatory ROTC programs with elective programs during the 1960s. This chapter wil examine the international, national, and regional context of these developments after providing an overview of Auburn University Army ROTC from 1945 to 1965. Auburn University Army ROTC (1945-1965) ?Please be asured that it is the desire of the Alabama Polytechnic Institute that Advanced Course ROTC be reactivated and strengthened and that the excelent tradition of military training at this institution, which has played so vital a part in the lives of so many of our students, be continued.? 369 ? Auburn University President L. N. Duncan to Commanding General, Fourth Service Command, November 14, 1945 367 Pat Randal, ?University Senate aproves voluntary ROTC proposal,? Auburn Plainsman, May 8, 1969. 368 Report of the ROTC Study Comite, Auburn University ROTC Study Commite, 1969, 6, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. Memorandum by L.P. Burton, April 8, 1969, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpott Papers. 369 Luther Duncan to Commanding General, Fourth Service Command, November 14, 1945, box 6, file 216, ?Duncan, ROTC, Miscelaneous, 1940-47,? Pres. Duncan Papers. 106 In November 1945, Auburn University president Duncan learned that the Army would reactivate advanced course Army ROTC at Auburn University on January 1, 1946. 370 Unlike in years past, the Army would no longer represent the only officer training program on campus. Earlier that year, on May 3, 1945 the Navy had notified Duncan of their selecting Auburn University for a Naval ROTC program, which they planned to instate on November 1, 1945. 371 The Navy chose Auburn University because of its distinguished engineering curriculum and because of its ?unusual and remarkable? history of supporting national defense. 372 This later statement intimates that the relationship of Auburn University to Army ROTC helped create an academic environment conducive to Naval collegiate training. Having proven themselves during World War II, the Auburn University leadership was ?excedingly proud? of their contributions to national defense and regarded seriously their major objective of providing military preparednes training. 373 This wilingnes on behalf of the university to acommodate fully the wishes of the military would distinctively characterize Auburn University until the later 1960s. Other than the requirement of coordinating with other ROTC programs, the principle diference betwen Auburn University Army ROTC during the postwar era and the interwar years was the incorporation of advanced technology into the training. In addition to branch specific training for combat engineering and field artilery, the postwar program also included a curriculum for the ?Air Force, Signal Corps, and Armored 370 Major A. D. Sanders to Luther Duncan, November 19, 1945, box 6, file 216, ?Duncan, ROTC, Miscelaneous, 1940-47,? Pres. Duncan Papers. 371 Vice Admiral Randal Jacobs, Chief of Navy Personel to Luther Duncan, May 3, 1945, box 6, file 217, ?Duncan, ROTC, Naval, 1945,? Pres. Duncan Papers. 372 Luther Duncan to Judge Robt. K. Grene, November 2, 1945, box 6, file 217, ?Duncan, ROTC, Naval, 1945,? Pres. Duncan Papers. 373 Luther Duncan to General George Marshal, Army Chief of Staf, April 5, 1945, box 6, file 217, ?Duncan, ROTC, Naval, 1945,? Pres. Duncan Papers. 107 Cavalry.? 374 For example, the cadre no longer offered instruction in horsemanship. Instead, they trained cadets using tanks. 375 Army ROTC lost its Air Force program on July 1, 1949 when Air Force ROTC officialy became available at Auburn University as a result of the Army Air Corps? transformation into the United States Air Force in 1947; however, in 1957 Auburn University Army ROTC did introduce the Army Aviation Flight Training Program. 376 Given the significant contribution of Army ROTC to World War II mobilization, the Army recognized it as ?a vital and esential source of the officer material for our country?s post-war armed forces,? and in 1946 the Commanding General of U.S. Army Ground Forces intended for postwar Army ROTC to commision officers at a higher rate than before the war. 377 Simply put, the Army wanted the universities during the postwar years to keep doing what they had been doing before the war, but to do it beter if at al possible. Auburn University gradualy did fulfil this desire, albeit not always consistently. For a basis of comparison, recal that Auburn University commisioned 136 374 Ralph Draughon, President?s Oficial Report to the Board of Trustes, October 1, 1948, box 25, ?Draughon, President?s Oficial Report to the Board of Trustes, October 1, 1948,? Pres. Draughon Papers. 375 As of March 1949, the Army ROTC program had received several vehicles from the government, to include tanks. Se Memorandum by Colonel Geo M. Wiliamson, Jr., March 29, 1949, box 26, ?Draughon, ROTC, Army, 1947-59,? Pres. Draughon Papers. By fal of 1954, they posesed a large tank driving area, and during that same time the ROTC program acquired four modern M-47 medium tanks. Se respectively Ralph Draughon, President?s Oficial Report to the Board of Trustees, October 2, 1954, box 25, ?Draughon, President?s Oficial Report to the Board of Trustes, October 2, 1954,? Pres. Draughon Papers and Ralph Draughon, President?s Oficial Report to the Board of Trustees, November 4, 195, box 25, ?Draughon, President?s Oficial Report to the Board of Trustes, November 4, 195,? Pres. Draughon Papers. 376 Ralph Draughon, President?s Oficial Report to the Board of Trustees, November 4, 1949, box 25, ?Draughon, President?s Oficial Report to the Board of Trustes, November 4, 1949,? Pres. Draughon Papers; John H. Napier II, ?How They Put the ?War? in War Eagle Being a Short History of the Military at A.P.I.,? 1958, 6, Auburn University Special Collections & Archives ? Non-circulating collection, Auburn, Alabama; Ralph Draughon, President?s Oficial Report to the Board of Trustes, November 1, 1957, box 25, ?Draughon, President?s Oficial Report to the Board of Trustes, November 1, 1957,? Pres. Draughon Papers. 377 General Jacob L. Devers, Comanding General, U.S. Army Ground Forces, to Luther Duncan, June 25, 1946, box 6, file 216, ?Duncan, ROTC, Miscelaneous, 1940-47,? Pres. Duncan Papers. 108 officers in 1939, having a total cadet corps of approximately 1500. 378 While the President Draughon Papers do not include the commisioning totals for the years betwen 1949 and 1955, those records do outline that during those years the advanced program consistently maintained betwen 200 and 300 cadets. 379 From this, one logicaly can asume that their yearly commisioning numbers averaged, at least, betwen 100 and 150 commisioned officers. For the 1955-1956 school year, the program commisioned 144 officers, having a total cadet corps of approximately 1,254. 380 As a basis of comparison with other Army ROTC programs, during the 1956-1957 school year Auburn University Army ROTC commisioned 149 officers, making it the top officer producing program in the entire Third Army Area, which consisted of colleges and universities in Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Misisippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Tennese. The three schools coming closest were the Citadel with 143, Clemson Agricultural College with 124, and Georgia Institute of Technology with 119. 381 Although the commisioning numbers sometimes did fluctuate to below interwar year levels, the compulsory program at Auburn University corresponded to a generaly 378 ?136 Cadets Receive ORC ommisions,? Plainsman, May 19, 1939; Photo Caption, Plainsman, April 4, 1939. 379 See Ralph Draughon?s Official Reports to the Board of Trustees for 1949-1955, from box 25 of the Pres. Draughon Papers. 380 Ralph Draughon, President?s Oficial Report to the Board of Trustes, November 9, 1956, box 25, ?Draughon, President?s Oficial Report to the Board of Trustes, November 9, 1956,? Pres. Draughon Papers. 381 Chart of ROTC Units Third Army Area: Schol Year 56-57, box 25, ?ROTC, Misc., 1956-57,? Pres. Draughon Papers. For a further basis of comparison, the University of Alabama comisioned 81, ranking 6 th in the Third Army Area. Also, for those interested, these 149 from Auburn University were comisioned during a schol year when ?net resident enrolment? for the university consisted of 834 men and 2486 women. For more information se Ralph Draughon, President?s Oficial Report to the Board of Trustes, November 1, 1957, box 25, ?Draughon, President?s Oficial Report to the Board of Trustes, November 1, 1957,? Pres. Draughon Papers. 109 high rate of commisioned officers. 382 At the same time that Auburn University Army ROTC was noticeably increasing, on the national level students were becoming increasingly disafected with collegiate military training. As a result, in 1964 Congres pased the Vitalization Act. A noteworthy development in ROTC afairs, the Department of Defense designed it in an atempt to raise the annual number of officers commisioned through ROTC. 383 Congres approved the act in hopes of counteracting the increasing trend of universities rejecting mandatory ROTC, and of making up the recent shortfals in the production of commisioned officers. 384 Nevertheles, implementation of the action coincided with the gradualy increasing unease that many Americans felt regarding the conflict in Vietnam, which negated some of its intended afects. 385 Auburn University Army ROTC (1965-1974) ?February 27, 1969, this commite voted six to one, to recommend that Auburn University adopt a voluntary basic ROTC program. [Among] the primary factors influencing the decision were?A recognition that Auburn University is one of a smal number of major institutions, even land-grant institutions, which has not responded to a trend, begun in 1923 but acelerating with surprising rapidity during the last six years, away from compulsory to voluntary basic ROTC.? 386 ? Report of the ROTC Study Commite, Auburn University American involvement in the Vietnam War, and its resulting political and social upheaval, provides the international and national context for understanding the national 382 For examples of fluctuations se Ralph Draughon, President?s Oficial Report to the Board of Trustes, October 6, 1961, box 25, ?Draughon, President?s Oficial Report to the Board of Trustees, October 6, 1961,? Pres. Draughon Papers and Ralph Draughon, President?s Oficial Report to the Board of Trustes, November 9, 1962, box 25, ?Draughon, President?s Oficial Report to the Board of Trustees, November 9, 1962,? Pres. Draughon Papers. Ironically, during these two years of lower comisioning numbers, the cadet corps simultaneously experienced a dramatic increase, as noted in those two reports. 383 Michael S. Neiberg, Making Citizen-Soldiers: ROTC and the Ideology of American Military Service (Cambridge, Mas: Harvard University Pres, 2000), 85. 384 Arthur T. Coumbe and Le S. Harford, U.S. Army Cadet Comand: The 10 Year History (Fort Monroe, Va: Office of the Comand Historian, U.S. Army Cadet Comand), 196, 221. 385 Neiberg, ?Making Citizen-Soldiers,? 86. 386 Report of the ROTC Study Comite, Auburn University ROTC Study Commite, 1969, 1-2, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 110 and regional developments occurring at numerous universities concerning their ROTC programs that facilitated the controversy over Auburn University?s mandatory ROTC program. Growing discontent over the American military?s engagement in Southeast Asia eventualy manifested itself on university campuses and began to adversely efect the ROTC program as a whole. ROTC units were the most visible and acesible example of the American military available to students, and for on campus anti-war activists those units were logical targets. 387 The Tet Ofensive of 1968 proved a major turning point in American opinions about the war, with public support for U.S. military involvement in Vietnam plummeting. This period provides evidence of a large shift on many campuses in student opinions toward ROTC. 388 Traditionaly at many colleges and universities ROTC had been a respected part of campus life, but that began to change after early 1968. 389 For example, at one university the hatred toward ROTC was so intense that the ROTC personnel wore civilian clothes when walking from their cars to their building and then changed into their uniforms once inside. 390 The Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) were perhaps the most notable organization that helped lead the charge against ROTC on university campuses. As conveyed in one of their directives, the SDS believed that, ?a nationwide atack against ROTC would severely hurt the military.? 391 Disidents launched an incredible number of such atacks during the 1969-1970 school year. A U.S. News and World Report article from 1970 compiled the number of on-campus incidents that ROTC personnel considered significant enough to warrant a report to the Pentagon, 387 Coumbe, ?U.S. Army Cadet Comand,? 33. 388 Neiberg, ?Making Citizen-Soldiers,? 113. 389 Ibid., 113-116. 390 John Hepler, ??.Cripled, Defeated, and Silenced?: A Professor Views the National Dangers Posed by Mindles Attacks on the ROTC,? Army Magazine, September 1969, 24. The author did not state the name of the university. 391 Keneth Y. Tomlinson, ?ROTC Under Atack,? Reader?s Digest, November, 1969, 234. 111 and the article calculated that seventy-six college ROTC units suffered 145 ?atacks resulting in property damage or personal injury;? seventy-three atempts ?to burn or blow up buildings provided by the schools for ROTC use;? and sixty-seven counts of vandalism at ROTC offices. These statistics marked a notable increase from the pre-Tet Ofensive demonstrations that had produced, ?a total of 95 anti-ROTC incidents of al kinds recorded by the Pentagon in 1968-69, including 20 atempts to destroy buildings by fire or bombs.? 392 At some universities during this time, the campus movements directed toward ROTC sought not the abolition of ROTC but the establishment of an elective program. As outlined in chapter 2, this particular movement began in 1923, but an official statement isued from the Department of Defense reinvigorated it. 393 During 1960 the Department of Defense in a leter to the presidents of colleges and universities, as a point of clarification, explained that the department was ambivalent about the isue of mandatory versus compulsory ROTC, preferring that the administration at each university decide which option to pursue. 394 That same year the Asistant Secretary of Defense, Charles C. Finucane, similarly stated that, ?Compulsory Basic ROTC is not needed to met quality standards nor is it needed to produce the number of officers required.? 395 In a memorandum sent to the Auburn University Board of Trustes in May 1969, Auburn University President Harry Philpott atributed the announcement of this policy as the chief reason why state universities and land-grant colleges began adopting 392 Behind the Drive to Destroy ROTC,? U.S. News and World Report, June 26, 1970, 20. 393 Report of the ROTC Study Comite, Auburn University ROTC Study Comittee, 1969, 7-8, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 394 Report of the ROTC Study Comite, Auburn University ROTC Study Comittee, 1969, 8, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 395 Report of the ROTC Study Comite, Auburn University ROTC Study Comittee, 1969, 7, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 112 elective ROTC programs. 396 As an example of the change, an official Auburn university commite learned that in 1963 fifty-one out of the sixty-eight land-grant universities maintained a compulsory program, but in 1969 only fiften stil possesed compulsory programs. 397 To compare this with al college ROTC programs in the nation, for the 1968-1969 school year, only one-third mandated ROTC; ten years prior, two-thirds of them had mandated it. 398 Additionaly, by 1969 Texas A & M and Virginia Polytechnic Institute ? universities with exceptionaly distinguished military traditions ? had removed their mandatory ROTC curriculum. As of April 1969, three more universities were also in the proces of reevaluating whether or not to maintain mandatory ROTC. 399 Around July 1967, the growing trend against compulsory ROTC began to afect Auburn University. Unlike some universities that sought to expel ROTC from their campuses entirely, the debate over Auburn University?s ROTC program consistently centered on whether or not the university should stil require male students to complete the ROTC basic course. In 1967 an Auburn University self-study report, known as ?Project ?67,? proposed that the university adopt a voluntary ROTC program but not do so imediately ?in view of the present world situation.? 400 Nevertheles, the ongoing 396 Memorandum by Hary M. Philpot, May 28, 1969, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpott Papers. 397 Report of the ROTC Study Comite, Auburn University ROTC Study Comittee, 1969, 11-12, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. These fiften universities were ?Auburn University, Misisipi State University, Clemson University, South Carolina State University, University of Tenese at Martin, Agricultural Mechanical and Normal Colege, University of Arkansas, Louisiana State University & A & M Colege, Cameron State Agriculture Colege, Southern University and & A & M College, Panhandle State College of A & AS, Prairie View A & M Colege, Lincoln University, South Dakota State University, [and] University of Nevada.? 398 Report of the ROTC Study Comite, Auburn University ROTC Study Comittee, 1969, 11, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. Note: the total number of coleges with ROTC programs for 1968-1969 was 268. 399 Report of the ROTC Study Comite, Auburn University ROTC Study Comittee, 1969, 12, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. These thre were ?the University of Misisipi, Misisipi State, and the University of Arkansas.? 400 Pat Randal, ?University Senate aproves voluntary ROTC proposal,? Auburn Plainsman, May 8, 1969. 113 movement in favor of elective ROTC eventualy prompted Auburn University?s Vice President for Academic Afairs, W.S. Bailey, to appoint an official commite composed of administrators, faculty, and students to examine the isue. 401 In the January 7, 1969 memorandum that he sent notifying individuals on their appointment to the ROTC Study Commite, he offered an interesting rationale for why the topic rated a formal commite. 402 Downplaying the interest of faculty members concerning ROTC on campus, he posited that the debate had ? been the subject of considerable discussion?among students and, to some extent, faculty groups.? Upon task completion, the commite would submit a concluding report to the University Senate by means of its Curriculum Commite. Afterward, the university president, Harry M. Philpott, would consider whether or not to approve the recommendations of the report. 403 Several months later in 1969, Philpott explained to the members of the Board of Trustes the situation that had prompted the establishment of the ROTC Study Commite. Referring to the isue as ?particularly troublesome,? Philpott stated his partiality toward a compulsory ROTC program but expresed that, I have reluctantly come to the conclusion that without backing for this position from the Department of Defense, with the fact that almost al of the major land- grant colleges and state universities have moved to a voluntary program, and with a clear majority of our students and faculty favoring such a move, I fel that I must concur? Preserving mandatory ROTC at Auburn University had not presented a problem for Philpott as long as universities in the surrounding region maintained such programs. 401 Given the sources available, the identify of the original person or persons who inspired Bailey to take this action is unknown. 402 Memorandum by L.P. Burton, April 8, 1969, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers; Memorandum by W.S. Bailey, January 7, 1969, box 46, file ?ROTC - General 1969-77,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 403 Memorandum by W.S. Bailey, January 7, 1969, box 46, file ?ROTC - General 1969-77,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 114 Although the Auburn University administration was under litle presure to change its ROTC program after the University of Alabama removed mandatory ROTC in 1966, the isue became an important topic on the Auburn campus after ?Tennese, Georgia, and Florida? adopted voluntary programs. 404 Philpott also atributed the recent elimination of compulsory ROTC at Texas A & M and Clemson as the most significant impetus behind faculty and student advocacy for a voluntary program. 405 While the Auburn University ROTC Study Commite was considering the isue of mandatory ROTC, the Department of Defense was also reevaluating ROTC. 406 Elected in 1968, President Richard Nixon supported abolition of the draft, which alarmed many individuals within his administration because the draft provided a substantial incentive for participation in ROTC. 407 Responding to a recommendation from the Asociation of State Universities and Land-Grant Colleges, this new concern ? coupled with the growing turbulence on college campuses concerning ROTC ? compeled Secretary of Defense Melvin Laird to appoint the Special Commite on ROTC, which he tasked with reasesing the nation?s ROTC program in order to determine the best means of improving the reputation of ROTC within the academic community and the responsivenes of ROTC to student needs. 408 The Special Commite on ROTC would 404 Philpot did not specific the proper names of these universities. 405 Memorandum by Hary M. Philpot, May 28, 1969, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. Of note, the Board of Trustes for Clemson decided in March 1969 to implement a voluntary program, beginning during the 1969-1970 school year. Like Texas A & M, Clemson had a widely recognized reputation because of its military tradition. Report of the ROTC Study Comite, Auburn University ROTC Study Comite, 1969, 1, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 406 Coumbe, ?U.S. Army Cadet Comand,? 33-34. 407 Neiberg, ?Making Citizen-Soldiers,? 130. 408 Coumbe, ?U.S. Army Cadet Comand,? 33; Roger T. Kelley to presidents of ROTC host institutions, September 15, 1969, box 46, file ?Philpot, ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 115 then offer its suggestions to the Department of Defense. 409 Of note, the Department of Defense had since 1949 maintained an advisory panel on ROTC education, which submited reports to both the Asistant Secretary of Defense for Manpower and Reserve Afairs and to the Reserve Forces Policy Board. This panel already exhibited its significant influence when the Department of Defense incorporated into the Revitalization Act of 1964 some of the major policy changes that they proposed. 410 A member of this panel, George Benson, chaired the Special Commite on ROTC, and the special commite eventualy acquired the informal title, ?Benson Commite.? 411 Among his many qualifications to chair the commite, Benson had been president of Claremont Men?s College since 1946 and also a member of the ROTC Advisory Panel of the Army. 412 Several academics from Ivy League universities as wel as high-ranking military personnel served on the commite. 413 Acording to a Department of Defense news release, the commite?s official purpose was ?to appraise the interrelationships of the ROTC programs of the Services, and their relations to university faculties, students, and administrators.? Holding its first meting in early July, the Department of Defense hoped that the Special Commite on ROTC would be ready to submit its final report before universities began the fal semester. 414 409 Coumbe, ?U.S. Army Cadet Comand,? 33. 410 Roger T. Keley to presidents of coleges and universities having ROTC units and to profesors of military science, naval science, and aerospace studies, July 8, 1969, box 45, file ?Philpot, ROTC, Army 1969-70,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 411 Neiberg, ?Making Citizen-Soldiers,? 130. 412 Roger T. Keley to presidents of ROTC host institutions, September 15, 1969, box 46, file ?Philpot, ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 413 U.S. Department of Defense, Secretary Laird Authorizes Establishment of Comite to Apraise ROTC Programs, Melvin Laird, June 25, 1969, News Release from the Ofice of Assistant Secretary of Defense (Public Affairs), box 45, file ?Philpot, ROTC, Army 1969-70,? Pres. Philpot Papers; Neiberg, ?Making Citizen-Soldiers,? 130. 414 U.S. Department of Defense, Secretary Laird Authorizes Establishment of Comittee to Apraise ROTC Programs, Melvin Laird, June 25, 1969, News Release from the Ofice of Asistant Secretary of Defense (Public Affairs), box 45, file ?Philpot, ROTC, Army 1969-70,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 116 In examining the debate over mandatory ROTC on the Auburn University campus, one cannot overlook the supporting role played by Bil Nichols, Alabama?s Fourth District member of the House of Representatives. Nichols possesed close ties to Auburn University, where he had earned his bachelor and masters degrees. 415 Commisioning from Auburn University as an Army officer, he served with distinction during World War II, earning the Bronze Star. Nichols also received the Purple Heart after a land mine blew off one of his legs. 416 In 1947 he retired from the Army as a Captain. 417 Later, he served on the Auburn University Executive Commite and as a member of its Board of Trustes. 418 In fulfiling his duties to the university, he regularly used his connections in Washington D.C. to aid the university in whatever manner appropriate. Nichols? main contribution to resolving the ROTC controversy were his actions to ensure that Auburn University?s Executive Commite and Board of Trustes possesed as much helpful information as possible concerning the mater, such as by forwarding to members of the Executive Commite copies of a relevant article that he found from 415 ?Rep. Bil Nichols, 70; Led Pentagon Inquiry,? New York Times, December 14, 1988; Auburn University Special Colections & Archives, ?Guide to the Wiliam F. Nichols Papers, RG 194,? Auburn University, htp:/ww.lib.auburn.edu/archive/ find-aid/194.htm (accessed December 5, 2012). 416 Bil Nichols to Roger T. Keley, October 20, 1969, box 46, file ?Philpot, ROTC, Voluntary- Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers; ?Rep. Bil Nichols, 70; Led Pentagon Inquiry,? New York Times, December 14, 198; Auburn University Special Colections & Archives, ?Guide to the Wiliam F. Nichols Papers, RG 194,? Auburn University, htp:/ww.lib.auburn.edu/archive/ find-aid/194.htm (accessed December 5, 2012). 417 Auburn University Special Colections & Archives, ?Guide to the Wiliam F. Nichols Papers, RG 194,? Auburn University, htp:/www.lib.auburn.edu/archive/ find-aid/194.htm (accessed December 5, 2012). 418 Bil Nichols to Roberts. H. Brown, October 25, 1969, box 46, file ?Philpot, ROTC, Voluntary- Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers; Bil Nichols to Roger T. Keley, October 20, 1969, box 46, file ?Philpott, ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 117 Army Magazine. 419 More importantly, Nichols kept them abreast of what he learned from his communications with Benson ? chairman of the Special Commite on ROTC ? and Roger T. Keley ? Asistant Secretary (Manpower and Reserve Afairs) for the Department of Defense. Benson provided Nichols with especialy salient information. Regarding the steady trend of universities eliminating their mandatory ROTC programs, Benson wrote that of the 360 universities with ROTC on campus, by the fal 1969 only fifty stil possesed mandatory programs. He also outlined that, the officers of the services have pointed out?three advantages of voluntary basic ROTC: 1. It requires les regular service personnel for instruction. 2. It is les of an irritant on campus. 3. Experience has indicated that we probably get more officers from a voluntary unit which has a higher esprit de corps. The disadvantages of voluntary basic ROTC are: 1. Les students have the advantage of having some contact with the military. 2. There probably are some potential officers who would not come into contact with a strictly volunter ROTC. 420 In a leter to the chairman of the Auburn University Executive Commite, Roberts H. Brown, Nichols further disclosed what he had learned from Benson, describing an important distinction betwen the various branches regarding the topic of mandatory ROTC. During this time, the Navy operated a highly selective voluntary ROTC program and the Air Force tended for financial reasons to favor a voluntary program. 421 In contrast, the Army ?being an old line service? with a high level of dependency upon ROTC for producing officers, generaly preferred a mandatory ROTC program because it 419 Bil Nichols to Hary M. Philpot, October 20, 1969, box 46, file ?Philpot, ROTC, Voluntary- Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. For anyone interested, the article was John Hepler?s ??.Cripled, Defeated, and Silenced?: A Profesor Views the National Dangers Posed by Mindles Atacks on the ROTC? from the September 1969 isue of Army Magazine. 420 George C. S. Benson to Bil Nichols, October 23, 1969, box 46, file ?Philpot, ROTC, Voluntary- Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 421 From the context of the source, ?Navy? apears to refer to the Department of the Navy and would, therefore, include Marine ROTC training. 118 offered military training to a large number of individuals who could be mobilized during a national emergency. 422 Additionaly, Nichols relayed to Philpott the findings of Congresional ?Subcommite No. 2,? which had investigated the ROTC controversy and submited a report to the Armed Services Commite. The subcommite highlighted two particularly important findings. First, many individuals at universities objected to applying the term ?profesor? to Profesors of Military Science since ROTC personnel did not have to ?earn? that title in the same way as regular profesors. Second, a significant number of people objected to seing cadets wear uniforms and conduct dril on campus. 423 On April 18, 1969, L.P. Burton, Chairman of the Auburn University ROTC Study Commite, submited the commite report to Bailey, who then forwarded it to the Curriculum Commite of the Auburn University Faculty Senate. 424 The report contained the rationale undergirding the recommendations of the commite members who, during their fourth meting on February 27, 1969, voted six to one in favor of a voluntary ROTC program. 425 Through a brief discussion within the report, the commite explained the perspective and methodology that produced the majority opinion. They explained that no bias against ROTC tainted their deliberations, but rather every member acknowledged the crucial worth of ROTC to national defense. The report presented three recommendations for university action, stating 422 Bil Nichols to Roberts. H. Brown, October 25, 1969, box 46, file ?Philpot, ROTC, Voluntary- Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 423 Bil Nichols to Hary M. Philpot, August 7, 1969, box 46, file ?Philpott, ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. Words in quotation marks are the precise language of the comite. 424 Memorandum by L.P. Burton, April 8, 1969, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Philpott Papers. 425 Report of the ROTC Study Comite, Auburn University ROTC Study Comite, 1969, 1, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 119 we admit to the value of two of the main themes of ROTC instruction: (1) the need for students to understand the concept of ?force? as it relates to the National defense; and (2) the need for students to understand the advantages of a predominantly ?citizens? as opposed to a ?profesional? military establishment. 426 Nevertheles, the majority opinion expresed their overriding belief that the students ?should and do develop proper value judgments toward the military establishment through their academic work and general reading.? 427 The commite?s seven weks of research involved activities such as visiting the University of Tennese and the Georgia Institute of Technology which had both recently switched to a voluntary program, examining the reports of other universities that had investigated the mater, discussing the mater with Army ROTC command level staf, and deliberating upon secondary sources like newspapers and magazine articles. 428 The first recommendation of the ROTC Study Commite was for the implementation of a voluntary ROTC program. 429 They believed that this change would best serve the ?dignity? of male students through enabling them to ases their own personality in regard to the military before exercising their choice on the mater. Resulting from extensive research into outcomes at other universities that had eliminated mandatory ROTC, their belief that a voluntary system would enhance the quality of cadets while stil producing a sufficient number of commisioned officers was the other critical element supporting this first recommendation. 430 Their ?conviction? was that 426 Report of the ROTC Study Comite, Auburn University ROTC Study Commite, 1969, 3, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 427 Report of the ROTC Study Comite, Auburn University ROTC Study Comite, 1969, 3-4, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpott Papers. 428 Report of the ROTC Study Comite, Auburn University ROTC Study Comite, 1969, 4-5, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 429 Report of the ROTC Study Comite, Auburn University ROTC Study Comite, 1969, 1, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 430 Report of the ROTC Study Comite, Auburn University ROTC Study Comite, 1969, 1-2, 4-5, 7, 9-10, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 120 ?with continued support from the University faculty and administration, a voluntary ROTC program at Auburn University wil produce each year, as it has at many other institutions, an appropriate number of high-caliber commisioned officers.? 431 Department of Defense ambivalence on the isue further supported their argument, with the report explaining that neither Congres nor the Department of Defense ?find it necesary to require or even encourage compulsory ROTC programs.? 432 In the opinion of the ROTC Study Commite, the change would yield no ?adverse efect? on either Auburn?s ROTC units or Auburn?s students; this reflected ?the confidence of the Commite in Auburn students.? Furthermore, in the past six years many other colleges and universities of the same caliber and size as Auburn University had already eliminated their compulsory ROTC programs - including southern land-grant universities with longstanding military traditions; thus, the commite likewise desired to correspond to this new norm among academic institutions. The commite?s second recommendation simply reafirmed that the standard course credits toward graduation should stil apply for completing the ROTC basic course. 433 For the third recommendation, the commite requested that the university incorporate a voluntary program as quickly as possible. 434 In defense of their recommendations, the ROTC Study Commite referenced several diferent sources. The leading evidence they cited in support of the first 431 Report of the ROTC Study Comite, Auburn University ROTC Study Comite, 1969, 1, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 432 This may have ben true in the past; however, Nieberg quotes Melvin Laird from an April 30, 1969 news article in which the recently appointed Secretary of Defense stated, ?We are not prepared to se the ROTC program degraded in any way.? ?Neiberg, ?Making Citizen-Soldiers,? 138. Of note, Assistant Profesor of Military Science, Lieutenant Colonel George B. Anderson, in the minority report for the Auburn University ROTC Study Comite, cited a similar quote from Secretary Laird - as revealed later in this chapter. 433 Report of the ROTC Study Comite, Auburn University ROTC Study Commite, 1969, 2, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 434 Report of the ROTC Study Comite, Auburn University ROTC Study Comite, 1969, 3, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 121 recommendation was a resolution pased by the Auburn University Student Senate on January 13, 1969, which asked that ?the newly formed ROTC commite recommend to the University Senate Curriculum Commite that ROTC be placed on a voluntary basis.? Acording to the resolution, the following points expresed the feling among Auburn University students concerning mandatory ROTC: ?(1) It is of questionable academic, spiritual, physical or mental value, hence incongruent with the rest of the University curriculum. (2) It is often an unnecesary drain of a student?s time and government?s resources.? 435 The ROTC Study Commite further buttresed their asertions with quotes from the findings of a research project that a commite of the Louisiana State University (LSU) Student Government Asociation conducted concerning the controversy of mandatory versus voluntary ROTC. 436 Near the end of the report, the commite extensively cited Lieutenant Colonel Morgan J. Cronin, Executive Secretary of the Army Advisory Panel on ROTC afairs, who had writen to LSU?s president on October 25, 1968 about the isue. When asked what might be the outcome of adopting a voluntary ROTC program, Cronin emphasized the multifaceted nature of any outcome; the results would rest upon factors such as ?student-faculty disidence? and the levels of ideological support for the program from the entire university community. Referencing the chief question of the ROTC Study Commite, Cronin wrote: If it is the character of the school to support a strong defense establishment, instil citizenship and adhere to traditions that hold military training as an integral part of the curriculum, the compulsory course is defensible and probably desirable. 435 Report of the ROTC Study Comite, Auburn University ROTC Study Comite, 1969, 6, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 436 Report of the ROTC Study Comite, Auburn University ROTC Study Commite, 1969, 8-9, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 122 However, if the philosophy recognizes and encourages the student to make his own commitment the mater of compulsory ROTC is les defensible. 437 Regarding these two characterizations, Auburn University appears to have been amidst a transformation from one to the other. Although the former statement certainly characterized the history of the university from the 1910s to the 1950s, the later statement more closely corresponds to the rationale exhibited in the majority opinion of the ROTC Study Commite. 438 Appendix A of the ROTC Study Commite report contained Auburn University student Robert C. Hicks? opinion on the mater. One of two students represented on the commite, he was moreover a cadet captain in Air Force ROTC. In his remarks, he confesed that at the time of his appointment to the commite he whole-heartedly supported mandatory ROTC. He believed that ROTC efectively introduced students to military life in a fashion that enabled them to objectively decide whether or not to pursue the advanced program. For him, the ability of ROTC to build student character proved another valuable aset. Hicks also postulated that ROTC at Auburn University significantly correlated with ?the traditional conservative atmosphere that surrounds the Auburn campus? and that, ?With compulsory ROTC abolished, this atmosphere would gradualy disappear and be replaced with the current ultra-liberal atmosphere of some of the campuses on the West Coast.? From his perspective, the majority of the on campus 437 Report of the ROTC Study Comite, Auburn University ROTC Study Comite, 1969, 10, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 438 For example, regarding the former sentence in Cronin?s statement, Auburn University clearly exhibited this characteristic as exemplified by the following statement from 1945: ?The record of our students in this war more than justifies the serious maner in which the program has ben handled here?We feel?that the very system of self-responsibility and initiative which we have encouraged here in conection with our regular [compulsory] ROTC program has contributed much to the qualifications of the several thousand students of this institution who are now comissioned oficers in every branch of the armed forces.? R. B. Draughon to President F. D. Paterson of Tuskege Institute, February 12, 1945, box 6, file 216, ?Duncan, ROTC, Miscelaneous, 1940-47,? Pres. Duncan Papers. 123 opposition to voluntary ROTC appeared comparable to ?the hippies which are prominent on the West Coast.? 439 Nevertheles, based on the reports of other universities that eliminated mandatory ROTC, he determined that participation in basic ROTC after the change had ?not dropped a great deal.? He observed no dificulties in those universities? ROTC programs ataining their quotas for commisioning officers. Like others, he concluded that a voluntary program enhanced ROTC units since only motivated students enrolled. 440 In his final words of advice, Hick?s warned that if Auburn University implemented the commite?s recommendations, then the ROTC programs would require increased recruiting and the university would need to exercise greater vigilance over male students and the general campus environment as a result of the loss of military discipline. 441 He also recommended that upon adoption of the new program the university completely cooperate with the ROTC unit in order not to ?cause any more interference with students? choices to get into the program than?absolutely necesary.? 442 Lieutenant Colonel George B. Anderson, Asistant Profesor of Military Science and member of the ROTC Study Commite, authored the commite?s minority report. He stresed the vital responsibility of ROTC in providing the increased number of commisioned officers required due to the Vietnam War, believing that ?It is esential to our national security that an efective ROTC program be maintained.? Employing the traditional defense of collegiate military training, Anderson additionaly cited several character and civic benefits students acquired through ROTC. He argued that a 439 Report of the ROTC Study Comite, Auburn University ROTC Study Comite, 1969, 13, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 440 Report of the ROTC Study Comite, Auburn University ROTC Study Comite, 1969, 14, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 441 Report of the ROTC Study Comite, Auburn University ROTC Study Comite, 1969, 14-15, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 442 Report of the ROTC Study Comite, Auburn University ROTC Study Comite, 1969, 14, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 124 compulsory program alowed students first-hand experience through which to acurately determine whether ROTC was worth pursuing, and such a program also instiled a sense of patriotism in those students. Thus, he maintained that, ?The advantages derived from the required program outweigh, by far, the imposition the program places on the university facilities or the students? time.? 443 While the majority report correctly described the Department of Defense?s posture concerning mandatory ROTC, Anderson clarified that the new Secretary of Defense, Melvin R. Laird, was alarmed by the recent downward trend in ROTC afairs. He quoted Laird as stating that, ?The ROTC program is esential in producing a major portion of the Commisioned Oficers and future leaders for our Armed Forces.? 444 As a result, Anderson wrote, ?I cannot conscientiously support the recommendation of the Study Commite.? 445 Given the longstanding, intimate asociation betwen Auburn University and its Army ROTC program, no investigation of this isue could be complete without learning what the Profesor of Military Science (PMS) thought about the findings of the ROTC Study Commite. 446 His opinion was especialy important since the efects of adopting a voluntary program would adversely afect Army ROTC disproportionaly more than the other branches, which might experience litle or no significant change. PMS Colonel Andrew W. LaMar, Jr., provided historians with an excelent record of his thoughts on the mater. Scheduled to present his views before a Faculty Senate meting on May 6, 1969, a debilitating leg injury left him unable to atend. Instead, LaMar articulated his 443 Report of the ROTC Study Comite, Auburn University ROTC Study Comite, 1969, 17, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers 444 Neiberg, ?Making Citizen-Soldiers,? 138: Neiberg cites a similar quote from Laird, which states, ?We are not prepared to see the ROTC program degraded in any way.? 445 Report of the ROTC Study Comite, Auburn University ROTC Study Comite, 1969, 18, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 446 Only heads of Army ROTC units poses the title ?Profesor of Military Science.? The other service branches use a diferent term to designate a ROTC unit?s highest-ranking oficer. 125 beliefs in a short esay that he forwarded to the meting in his absence. 447 He approached the isue not just from the position of PMS but also from his background as an Auburn University alumnus and the parent of an Auburn University student. 448 LaMar prefaced his remarks by strongly emphasizing that his opinions were completely his own and not intended to reflect in any way the views of the Department of the Army. 449 LaMar began his critique of the ROTC Study Commite?s report with his belief that it was overal ?a very fine report? but overlooked two important aspects of the mater. First, the report inclined readers to believe that the personnel at universities who had switched from mandatory to voluntary were pleased with the results; LaMar cautioned that a significant number of individuals at those universities would rather return to a mandatory program. Second, he believed that any change in the program must sek the advice and approval of alumni and parents since Auburn University was ?a state supported institution, existing mainly to serve the people of Alabama.? LaMar believed that ignoring their opinions in the commite?s final report was a critical error. 450 Entering into the mix of difering opinions, LaMar presented his own thoughts on the potential merits of a voluntary program. He agreed that the benefits would include ?beter motivated? cadets, a ?more flexible and meaningful? system of teaching leadership and dril, a diminished financial burden, and ?elimination of student gripes?and possible future unrest.? Regarding the latter benefit, LaMar aserted that at 447 Memorandum by George B. Anderson, May 2, 1969, box 46, file ?Philpot, ROTC, Voluntary- Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 448 Lamar entered as a student in 1941 but did not graduate from Auburn University due to his apointment to West Point in 1943; however, he maintained close ties to the university for the rest of his life. Guy Rhodes, ?La Mar - ?and here I am again?,? Auburn Plainsman, October 27, 1968. 449 Andrew W. LaMar, 1969, esay presented at Auburn University Faculty Senate, Auburn, AL, 6 May 1969, box 46, file ?Philpott, ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 450 Andrew. W. LaMar, 1969, esay presented at Auburn University Faculty Senate, Auburn, AL, 6 May 1969, box 46, file ?Philpott, ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 126 present the students were generaly ambivalent about whether or not to enact a voluntary program. Although told upon becoming PMS at Auburn University in the fal of 1968 that mandatory ROTC represented ?the ?burning? isue on?campus,? his personal experience with the mater supported the opposite conclusion. He gave the example of his atending a public, campus forum that the ROTC Study Commite organized in order to elicit student input in their investigation. Of the twenty in atendance, ?four?girls, six?cadets, four?faculty, and six other? were present, and of these ?others,? several ?were the long hair, far left types.? LaMar judged the situation to comprise nothing more than another ?example of the smal disident groups prevalent on campus? today, pushing for elimination of many policies and proven establishments.? 451 LaMar believed that Auburn University should continue with mandatory ROTC. In his opinion, ROTC trained students in important life skils such as ?self-discipline, bearing, and good appearance,? which would enhance their succes no mater what career they chose. Additionaly, LaMar extolled ROTC?s inculcation of the American values of ?patriotism and citizenship? as an excelent advantage to students. Like Lieutenant Colonel Anderson, LaMar similarly couched his support of mandatory ROTC in terms of preserving student choice, arguing that the university?s requiring al male students to participate in the program enabled those students to gain ?first hand information and experience? from which to knowledgably decide whether they wanted to pursue a commision. To support his point, Lamar explained that the Auburn University Army ROTC cadre had asked their senior cadets ?if they would have enrolled in ROTC if it had been elective when they were freshmen. Fifty percent said they would not have taken 451 Andrew. W. LaMar, 1969, esay presented at Auburn University Faculty Senate, Auburn, AL, 6 May 1969, box 46, file ?Philpott, ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 127 ROTC.? He finished supporting his arguments with a lengthy pasage from John Locke?s ?Freedom Related to Reason.? The quotation argued that freedom without knowledge or discernment reduces someone to a status below that of ?brutes?; hence, young people should submit to their guardians until capable of making wise decisions on their own. Lamar closed his remarks with the ?undisputable fact? that ?Whatever the decision is on our basic ROTC, I and my staf wil support this decision one hundred percent.? 452 Within the period that the ROTC Study Commite members were conducting their research and imediately after they revealed their findings, several Auburn University profesors wrote leters to Philpott expresing their own opinions regarding the debate. 453 These leters yield a glimpse into what might have been the overal consensus among profesors. Aserting themselves in the face of what one profesor labeled as ?patently absurd charges of lack of patriotism,? the vast majority of these leters promoted the adoption of a voluntary ROTC program. 454 On an interesting note, profesors from the History Department acount for most of these leters. Of the twelve leters in this file from profesors regarding the debate, eight came from members of the History Department. Overal, several general themes emerge. A few of the profesors emphasized the benefits that ROTC would enjoy through a voluntary program since only motivated, interested students would participate, thereby improving cadet morale. 455 Other profesors invoked the need to conform to modern trends, remarking that most land-grant universities no longer mandated ROTC participation and that even the federal 452 Andrew W. LaMar, 1969, esay presented at Auburn University Faculty Senate, Auburn, AL, 6 May 1969, box 46, file ?Philpott, ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 453 The leters discused here came from box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 454 Robert R. Rea to Hary M. Philpot, May 21, 1969. 455 Robert R. Rea to Hary . Philpot, May 21, 1969; W. Harold Mon to Hary M. Philpot, May 29, 1969; Brit. A. Storey to Hary M. Philpott, May 23, 1969. 128 government was gradualy shifting away from mandating military service through the draft. 456 Moreover, others aserted the overriding responsibility of protecting the academic, political, and social freedom of students, which precluded compulsory ROTC. 457 For example, Asociate Profesor of History, Edward C. Wiliamson argued that, ?The right to disent is a precious right in any society, a must in a democratic society. Such a right is violated by the concept of compulsory ROTC insofar as the student is concerned.? He wrote this statement from the perspective of someone who had been ?in the reserve? for thirty years and who had served in two wars. 458 President Philpott subsequently forwarded to each member of the Board of Trustes a copy of every leter he received from faculty and staf concerning the debate. 459 On April 14, 1969 the Curriculum Commite of the Auburn University Faculty Senate unanimously approved the ROTC Study Commite report. The next step was for the Faculty Senate to discuss the report. Clarence Scarsbrook, the Faculty Senate president-elect who would preside over the deliberations, explained, ?The report wil not be delayed by the senate?We wil consider the report at our May 6 meting?If necesary we wil hold a special meting in May to act on the recommendation and pas it on to President Philpott.? When asked whether or not he personaly approved of the recommendation, Philpott refused to comment, explaining that he did not wish to potentialy influence the outcome of the senate vote. He did state, however, that, ?If the proposal for voluntary ROTC is not approved by the senate, there wil be no need to 456 W.C. Sug to Hary M. Philpot, May 28, 1969; Wiliam H. Maehl to Hary M. Philpott, May 21, 1969; Chester W. Hartwig to Philpot, May 29, 1969 457 Wiliam H. Maehl to Hary . Philpot, May 21, 1969; Edward C. Wiliamson to Hary M. Philpot, May 2, 1969; W.C. Sug to Hary M. Philpot, May 28, 1969; Chester W. Hartwig to Philpot, May 29, 1969. 458 Edward C. Wiliamson to Hary M. Philpot, May 2, 1969. Profesor Wiliamson did not specify in which military branch he had served. 459 Hary M. Philpot to M. J. Burns, May 13, 1969. 129 present it to the Board of Trustes?They would not want to consider it unles the senate favors it.? 460 By a vote of thirty-five to twenty one, the Auburn University Faculty Senate on May 6 approved the recommendation. 461 On May 28, 1969, Philpott sent a memorandum to the members of the Board of Trustes to update them about the pasage of the recommendation and to present his overal asesment of the situation. He explained that about 62% of the university departments favored adoption of an elective ROTC program, with faculty from the departments of Education, Arts and Sciences, and Busines generaly taking this side. The loudest opposition came from individuals in the schools of Veterinary Medicine, Engineering, and Agriculture. Given the ?fundamental atacks? that other universities in the nation were currently directing at ROTC, Philpott conveyed his great displeasure over the timing of the debate at Auburn and over its resulting in a majority position against compulsory ROTC. Nevertheles, he asured the trustes that ?I can detect among the faculty and the students very litle sentiment against having the ROTC program at Auburn, against giving it academic credit, or against acording the program and personnel full academic status.? 462 Overal, they were stil commited to the ROTC program, but those favoring an elective program believed that it offered more advantages both to the cadet and to the student wishing to abstain from ROTC. Some members of the student body feared that the margin of approval might not be great enough for Philpott to endorse the Faculty Senate?s resolution in favor of it, but on June 2, 1969 Philpott presented the recommendations of the report to the Executive 460 Jimy Reder, ?Senate Gets Voluntary ROTC Report; Action Expected Before Board Meets,? Auburn Plainsman, April 18, 1969. 461 Pat Randal, ?University Senate aproves voluntary ROTC proposal,? Auburn Plainsman, May 8, 1969. 462 Memorandum by Hary M. Philpot, May 28, 1969, box 46, file ?ROTC, Voluntary-Compulsory Controversy 1969,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 130 Commite of the Auburn University Board of Trustes. 463 The Executive Commite investigated the mater until the November 7, 1969 meting of the Board of Trustes. Whatever conclusions the Executive Commite reached would determine whether or not the Board of Trustes would approve the recommendations of the ROTC Study Commite. 464 In a six to three vote, the Board of Trustes on November 7, 1969 approved the recommendation that Auburn University ROTC become voluntary. Representative Nichols ? along with Roberts H. Brown and Robert C. Bamberg ? cast a disenting vote. The new elective program became efective during the summer of 1970. 465 Adoption of the voluntary program demanded that Auburn University Army ROTC exercise considerable vigilance in order to ensure the maintenance of their commisioning standards. To aid this proces, on July 8, 1970 Philpott wrote on LaMar?s behalf to the Department of the Army and requested that LaMar?s three-year tour be extended another year so that he could remain until the end of the 1971-1972 school year. Representing an official request from the Auburn University, Philpott explained that the request was ?because of the superior service rendered by Colonel LaMar in the performance of his duties, and because of the transition from the compulsory to the voluntary ROTC program.? Philpott asured that Auburn University would greatly benefit from LaMar?s continued asistance during the initial two years of implementing ?the voluntary program as we endeavor to maintain a high level of official productivity in 463 Pat Randal, ?University Senate aproves voluntary ROTC proposal,? Auburn Plainsman, May 8, 1969; ?ROTC Proposal Gets More Study,? Auburn Plainsman, June 20, 1969. 464 ?ROTC Vote Friday,? Auburn Plainsman, November 6, 1969. 465 John Samford, ?Voluntary ROTC Plan to Replace Compulsory,? Auburn Plainsman, November 13, 1969. 131 the program.? 466 In a response arriving shortly afterward on July 23, 1970, the Army granted LaMar?s extension, planning to replace LaMar as PMS upon his intentioned retirement after the 1971-1972 school year. 467 Acording to an April 18, 1969 article from the Auburn Plainsman, LaMar envisioned that the adoption of a voluntary program would result in no considerable change in the 125 officers annualy commisioned through Army ROTC ?because of the present world situation and male military obligations.? He further expounded that, ?Most students realize the advanced program is one of the best ways to fulfil their military obligations.? 468 Nevertheles, Auburn University Army ROTC annual reports to the university president portray a gradual reduction in their enrollment and commisioning numbers. During the academic year 1969-1970, Army ROTC comprised a corps of cadets with 1500 students, an advanced program with 330, and a commisioning rate of 167 during the past four quarters combined. 469 Academic year 1970-1971 witnesed a decline that resulted in 530 students in their cadet corps, 246 advanced cadets, and 152 commisioned that year. The report atributed the decrease ?primarily to the 466 Hary M. Philpot to Director, Officer Personel Directorate, Office of Personel Operation, Department of the Army, July 8, 1970, box 45, file ?Philpott, ROTC, Army 1969-70,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 467 J. N. Conmy, Jr. to Hary M. Philpot, July 23, 1970, box 45, file ?Philpot, ROTC, Army 1969-70,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 468 Jimy Reder, ?Senate Gets Voluntary ROTC Report; Action Expected Before Board Meets,? Auburn Plainsman, April 18, 1969. 469 Andrew W. LaMar to Hary M. Philpot, ?Army ROTC Report, Auburn University Schol Year 1969- 70,? November 14, 1969, box 45, file ?Philpott, ROTC, Army 1969-70,? Pres. Philpot Papers. This actualy reflected a reduction from previous years. Prior to the 1969-1970 school year, after Naval ROTC selected the desired students for its program, Army ROTC received 5% of the remaining male students and Air Force ROTC received 45%. Due to a mutual agreement between Army and Air Force ROTC, beginning in the 1969-1970 school year the split became an even 50%; as highlighted in the Army ROTC report for 1970-1971, the elective system removed this division since the students could then decide for themselves which ROTC service branch to enter. Note that Auburn University used to divide the academic year into four ?quarters? as opposed to its current division into two primary ?semesters.? 132 implementation of an elective ROTC program.? 470 Army ROTC witnesed an even greater decline during academic year 1971-1972 with the results being 269 total cadets in the corps, 164 in the advanced program, and 139 cadets commisioned. Once again, the report stated that the reason for the lower numbers was ?due primarily to the elective ROTC program,? but it also pointed to the detrimental impact of ?the status of the draft bil at the start of the current quarter.? 471 The losses prevailed into the 1972-1973 academic year, which saw a cadet corps of 240, an advanced program with 100, and a commisioning rate of 111. Echoing the prevailing trend, the report credited the problem as ?due primarily to the elective ROTC Program and current draft requirements.? 472 Finaly, by the 1973-1974 academic year, the ?elective ROTC Program and the draft termination? had reduced Auburn University?s Army ROTC program to a cadet corps of 181, an advanced program of 69, and a commisioning rate of 59. 473 To some extent, these numbers reflect the national situation for Army ROTC at the time. From academic years 1967-1968 to 1972-1973, total Army ROTC enrollment descended from 165,430 to 41,294 (approximately seventy-five percent). 474 As undesirable for Auburn University Army ROTC as these declining commisioning numbers may sem, in reality the Army was already in the proces of reconsolidating its force structure in a manner so that it no longer needed such high commisioning rates. To understand this evolution of Army commisioning needs, ?The 470 Auburn University Army ROTC, ?Army ROTC Report, Auburn University Schol Year 1970-71,? box 45, file ?Philpott, ROTC, Army 1971-1974,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 471 Auburn University Army ROTC, ?Army ROTC Report, Auburn University Schol Year 1971-1972,? box 45, file ?Philpott, ROTC, Army 1971-1974,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 472 Auburn University Army ROTC, ?Army ROTC Report, Auburn University School Year 1972-1973,? box 45, file ?Philpott, ROTC, Army 1971-1974,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 473 Auburn University Army ROTC, ?Army ROTC Report, Auburn University Schol Year 1973-1974,? box 45, file ?Philpott, ROTC, Army 1971-1974,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 474 Coumbe, ?U.S. Army Cadet Comand,? 36. 133 Army 1974 Year-End Report? provides valuable information. The report outlines that by 1974 the Army had been an al-volunter force for two years, with the last drafte who wished to leave the Army being discharged in November 1974. The Congresionaly authorized limit for the active duty Army in 1974 was 781,600 soldiers, which had been slowly decreasing over the years. For example, in 1964 the Army contained about 985,000 soldiers, and in 1971 the Army contained 850,000 soldiers. 475 What these numbers do not explain is the masive officer reduction initiative implemented by the Army as it gradualy disengaged from the Vietnam War. Despite involuntary separation of 5,000 officers from the Army, during 1972 the officer to enlisted ratio for the Army atained 1:5.7. As of 30 June 1974, the Army had reduced it to a ratio of 1:6.4 by means of involuntary separation of another 4,900 officers and by curtailing officer production. Moreover, projected force reduction for 1976 necesitated releasing an additional 2,143 officers. 476 These numbers explain that shortly after the elimination of mandatory ROTC at Auburn University the Army had already initiated its post-Vietnam drawdown. The program suffered initialy in terms of meting its officer production quotas, but the demand for officers was going to decline soon regardles. Similarly, although Army leadership believed it should enlarge ?its conventional combat power within existing manpower limits? so as to ?increase our combat preparednes in Europe? and other parts of the world, they applied an internal approach whereby they streamlined and reorganized existing command and support units. 477 Consequently, the Army possesed more officers than required. 475 US Department of the Army, Army 1974 Year-End Report, 1974, ii. 476 Ibid., II-6. 477 Ibid., III-1, II-4. 134 Despite this surplus of officers, as of late 1973 the Auburn University Army ROTC program had not yet adjusted its recruitment eforts to acommodate the decline in demand. In November 1973, the devastating loss in enrollment and commisioning numbers compeled PMS Colonel George G. Tucker, Jr. to appeal to Auburn University?s administrative vice-president, Ben T. Lanham, for asistance. Tucker asured Lanham that his aid was ?urgently needed? because ?despite determined eforts? Army ROTC participation continued to decline. Previous eforts by the Army ROTC program to halt the decline included, Increased academic credit, a significant reduction in the amount of dismounted dril for freshmen and sophomores, increased pay, a masive mail-out program for incoming freshmen and transfer students, lengthened and improved summer orientation sesions, and greatly increased advertising on TV and in local media. Responding to the potential alegation that the ROTC cadre could be to blame, Tucker emphasized their high student retention average. Rather, he argued, ?Our problem is that we simply don?t get many to start with.? Based on this asertion, Tucker posed his specific plea for help. In his opinion, the ?critical point? of the mater rested with the counseling sesions conducted by profesors with entering freshmen and transfer students during which they formulated the student?s first clas schedule. He believed that if Lanham and ?the other faculty advisors were to recommend Army ROTC as an elective, [then] our enrollment would increase significantly.? Tucker then proceded, in an atempt to garner Lanham?s support, to respond to the many arguments that existed against ROTC and to detail the copious benefits that accrued to ROTC cadets, including even those who only pursued the basic course. Acknowledging that, ?I know from past experience that some members of our faculty 135 wil question the value of ROTC,? Tucker also presented a brief defense of the purpose of the Army, making the case that the Army was analogous to the policeman?s relationship to crime or a doctor?s to ilnes. His leter concluded with an additional plea for asistance and an invitation to discuss the mater further. 478 From this perspective, Auburn University?s Army ROTC program faced what appeared to be some daunting days ahead; however, what Tucker may have been encountering was not bias against ROTC but rather a lack of the favoritism that the university had customarily shown the program in the past. The language of the Auburn University ROTC Study Commite report had demonstrated that faculty support for the rights of students to make an individual decision about ROTC coincided with an expresed desire to se the ROTC program improved through the benefits of an elective program. As a result, the loss in numbers may not have been due to any failure on the part of the faculty to support ROTC. Lacking definitive evidence to the contrary, Tucker?s depiction of a potentialy maligned Army ROTC program is not conclusive. Just as possible is that the faculty sought to promote student choice through ensuring that students understood al options available, as opposed to presuring them to enroll in ROTC ? or in any other particular course. In this regard, the decentering of ROTC away from the focal point of campus life was likely the greatest change that Tucker and the other cadre members were experiencing. Nevertheles, Auburn?s rich military tradition did suffer what some viewed as a tremendous blow with the Board of Trustes? decision to adopt a voluntary ROTC program ? a decision that occurred after Auburn had maintained a mandatory military 478 George G. Tucker to Ben T. Lanham, November 26, 1973, box 45, file ?Philpott, ROTC, Army 1971- 1974,? Pres. Philpot Papers. 136 training program for ninety-seven years. From the early days of military instruction at Auburn University in the 1870s to its formation as a formal Army ROTC unit after pasage of the National Defense Act of 1916, Auburn life was in many ways an encounter with Army life. One alumnus ? writing in 1969 imediately before deploying to Vietnam ? stated in a leter to the Auburn Plainsman that the pride that comes with membership in the Army ?stems from three basic military principles: 1) Acomplishment of an asigned mision. 2) Aceptance of responsibility. 3) Respect for authority.? He recommended that, ?Instead of asociating this pride with the military, let?s cal it Auburn Pride, because that is where it was first instiled in me.? 479 Arguably, the military values that permeated Auburn University from the very point of inception became a part of its own steadfast values. Implementation of an elective ROTC program at Auburn University would gradualy separate the universal memory of male members of the Auburn University community from one of the sources that had helped to establish and ?to foster the Auburn spirit.? 480 Traditionaly, and currently, every Auburn University Army ROTC cadet can be viewed as an example of living history. Each one shares a common experience with their predecesors and keeps alive the recognition that the identity of Auburn University is irrefutably linked to military service. Despite their presence on campus, the loss of the recognition of that legacy of soldier training proved to be the real tragedy of the 1969 decision. For example, discussions with students on campus today reveal that most posses only a vague sense of the link betwen Auburn University and the tradition of collegiate military training; conversely, ask someone who atended Auburn University 479 G. T. (Ted) McDonald leter to the editor, Auburn Plainsman, May 1, 1969. 480 ?To Foster the Auburn Spirit? apeared under the newspaper title of the Auburn Plainsman during 1969 editions. 137 prior to 1969 about the relationship betwen the university and military service, and one can hear al sorts of stories about military life on campus. When it was a universal experience for able-bodied male students, the visibility and ubiquitous nature of ROTC represented a potent reminder for students and alumni that military training, as enacted through ROTC, is esential to the identity of Auburn University. Currently, the story of the dramatic change to Auburn University Army ROTC after 1969 is one that few individuals asociated with Auburn know anything about. Revisiting the climatic transformation of Army ROTC at Auburn University in 1969 is important since, by outlining the decline in influence of a tradition fundamental to the identity of Auburn University, one understands the critical shift in the mindset of the university leadership that redefined the role of military training on the campus. The university would no longer hold ROTC training on a pedestal like it previously did; however, the commitment of the university to the ROTC program would remain strong into the future. With relatively few colleges and universities retaining compulsory ROTC in the wake of the Vietnam War, a new norm for collegiate military officer training emerged, which continues into the present. While the post-1969 transformation of Army ROTC and its presence on campus life had consequences that could be perceived as drawbacks, in acordance with the new standard, Auburn University Army ROTC would continue among non-Senior Military Colleges to represent a top-performing program in the early years of the 21 st Century. During this time, the Army?s requirements for officer production would alternate away from an emphasis on high quantity in preference for the development of high quality, adaptable officers capable of leading troops in a more technologicaly and scientificaly advanced style of warfare. In the midst of these many 138 changes to the Auburn University Army ROTC program, the university would continue to provide a hospitable, supportive environment. Indeed, the conclusion for this thesis wil discuss how the present-day higher quality Army ROTC program manifests benefits that members of the 1969 study commite predicted would result from adopting an elective program. 139 Conclusion ?If we do not develop leaders wel we cannot build quality units, design cogent campaigns, or execute efective operations in theater. While the past 12 years of combat have honed the skils of both our troops and our leaders, we must sustain and improve upon the Army?s proven advantage in leadership as we complete combat operations in Afghanistan and re-orient the force to the expanding set of global chalenges.? 481 ? Army Leader Development Strategy 2013 In the early years of the 21st Century, from 2001 until present-day 2014, Auburn University Army ROTC has been indirectly engaged in the global War on Terror as wel as afected by it. Having adapted to the new model of elective ROTC designed to acommodate the force needs of an al-volunter Army, the War Eagle Batalion continues to represent a top-performing program. The principle diferences betwen Auburn University Army ROTC past and present are twofold. On the university level, the elective program has reduced the size and acompanying visibility of Army ROTC. As regards Army strategic policy, the needs of the Army are no longer based solely upon preparation for and execution of conventional style 20 th Century warfare. Nevertheles, the relational commitment of Auburn University to Army ROTC is fundamentaly the same. In order to understand how the program has evolved due to these changes while stil enjoying a tremendous level of commitment and support from the university community, this conclusion examines the current status of the program as wel as how it is projected to adapt in response to strategic imperatives resulting from Congresional limitations on the budget and size of the Army. For this final consideration of Auburn University Army ROTC, the source base consists of official documents from the United States Army, an interview with the War 481 US Department of the Army, Army Leader Development Strategy, Sergeant Major of the Army Raymond F. Chandler II, United States Army Chief of Staf General Raymond T. Odierno, Secretary of the Army John M. McHugh, 2013, 3. 140 Eagle Batalion Profesor of Military Science (PMS), Lieutenant Colonel Jefrey Copeland, and sundry other sources such as Auburn Plainsman articles. Of note, some of the information contained in this chapter wil not be directly footnoted since it is based upon first hand observation and knowledge that is common to members of the Auburn University Army ROTC program. 482 Moreover, source limitations preclude a detailed quantitative comparison betwen the measured quality of the program in the past versus the present; thus, a general comparison wil have to suffice. As of 2014, the Army has again been engaged in the proces of reconsolidating force structure in order to maintain combat capabilities. 483 Examining the anticipated downsize of the active duty Army offers both a useful comparison in light of past commisioning needs as wel as outlines the strategic concerns undergirding the future role of Army ROTC. The ?Army Posture Statement? for 2014 states that the Army is currently ?reducing end strength as rapidly as possible,? in acordance with Congresional stipulations; at the height of operations in Afghanistan and Iraq, the active duty Army possesed 570,000 soldiers. While stil a large number, this denotes a marked decrease in officer production compared to the 781,600 soldiers in the Army during 1974, given that a substantial number of officers must acompany any sizable force. 484 Before the start of fiscal year (FY) 2015, the Army intends a further reduction in force to 490,000 soldiers. 485 If current policies remain in efect, then by FY 2019 the Army wil 482 For almost two academic schol years, the author has been an advanced course cadet in the War Eagle Batalion. 483 US Department of the Army, Army Posture Statement, Secretary of the Army John M. McHugh and United States Army Chief of Staf General Raymond T. Odierno, March 25, 2014, 3-4. 484 US Department of the Army, Army 1974 Year-End Report, 1974, ii. 485 US Department of the Army, Army Posture Statement, Secretary of the Army John M. McHugh and United States Army Chief of Staf General Raymond T. Odierno, March 25, 2014, 3. 141 compose a force of 450,00 active duty soldiers, which wil also acompany personnel cutbacks in the Army National Guard and Army Reserve. 486 In light of these current and projected force needs of the Army, United States Army Cadet Command (USACC), which is in charge of the Army ROTC training program, ascertains how many officers it wil need each of its eight brigades to commision. The War Eagle Batalion operates under 6 th Brigade, which includes al Army ROTC programs at universities in the Virgin Islands, Puerto Rico, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Misisippi, and Alabama. 487 Therefore, 6 th Brigade then notifies its university ROTC programs of the ?commision mision? for every program. For Auburn University Army ROTC that mision requires the cadre to commision 26 officers annualy. As a basis of comparison, the annual commisioning rate for the War Eagle Batalion has in the past averaged 30 officers over a 3-year period, 26 over a 5-year period, and 23 over a 10-year period. 488 This number represents a dramatic drop from the average annual commisioning rate of 125 that Auburn University Army ROTC acomplished as of 1969; however, as explained above, the operational environment has changed for the Army ? and not merely in terms of numbers. 489 For example, women could not enroll in Army ROTC until September 1972, but now they are one of many factors that USACC considers when trying to produce an officer corps that is 486 Ibid., 3-5. From FY 2014 to FY 2019, the Army National Guard is projected to decrease from 358,20 to 35,00 soldiers and Army Reserve to decrease from 205,00 to 195,00 soldiers. 487 ?Brigades,? United States Army Cadet Comand, acesed March 30, 2014, http:/ww.cadetcommand.army.mil/brigades.aspx. 488 Lieutenant Colonel Jefrey Copeland, interview by author, Auburn, Alabama, March 7, 2014. Of note, the minimum anual comisioning number for an Army ROTC program to remain in god standing is 15. 489 Jimy Reder, ?Senate Gets Voluntary ROTC Report; Action Expected Before Board Mets,? Auburn Plainsman, April 18, 1969. 142 representative of the demographics of the Army as a whole. 490 USACC also focuses on developing officers who represent the broader ethnicity of the Army. 491 Due to the plethora of factors that Cadet Command must consider when establishing the commisioning mision for each ROTC unit, the Auburn University Profesor of Military Science (PMS), Lieutenant Colonel Copeland, explains that USACC considers the War Eagle Batalion a ?blue chip program? because of its ability to contribute to the diversity requirements of the Army. For example, the level of ethnic diversity within the undergraduate student population at Auburn University is 12.7%, but the Army ROTC program contains a diversity level of 18.2%. Additionaly, the program is especialy suited to atracting science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) degree students. Given the scientificaly and technologicaly complex nature of the present-day military, in an October 2013 statement the former Commanding General (CG) of Cadet Command, Major General Jeforey Smith, understandably stresed that the modern Army requires a larger percentage of officers with these skils. 492 In this recruiting efort, on average 20% of cadets commisioned through the War Eagle Batalion are from these majors, as compared to the 16.1% average among USACC brigades as a whole. 493 Along with examining the commisioning numbers of an Army ROTC program, the other criteria for evaluating a program is in terms of the quality of cadet performance at the ROTC advanced course Leadership Development and Asesment Camp (LDAC) 490 ?Women in the U.S. Army,? The Oficial Homepage of the United States Army, acesed March 30, 2014, http:/ww.army.mil/women/newera.html; Lieutenant Colonel Jefrey Copeland, interview by author, Auburn, Alabama, March 7, 2014. 491 Lieutenant Colonel Jefrey Copeland, interview by author, Auburn, Alabama, March 7, 2014. 492 Gary Sheftick, ?Cadet Comand Boldly Changing ROTC Program? Army News Service, October 24, 2013, acesed March 30, 2014, http:/ww.army.mil/article/113856/. 493 Lieutenant Colonel Jefrey Copeland, interview by author, Auburn, Alabama, March 7, 2014. 143 and as compared with al other ROTC cadets by means of the national Order of Merit List (OML). 494 Thus, when asked what he thought about the commisioning numbers at Auburn University compared to the 1960s and if he would prefer a higher commisioning rate, Lieutenant Colonel Copeland expresed that he was excedingly pleased with the current status of the program because, ?More is not beter when you take a look at quality.? He then elaborated on the performance of the seniors in the program who had atended LDAC during the summer of 2013. Out of the 39 ROTC programs in 6 th Brigade who participated in LDAC 2013, Cadet Command ranked the War Eagle Batalion 6 th in its brigade based upon camp performance. Of the 29 cadets from Auburn sent to camp, 11 exceded the standards for evaluation and 6 earned Recondo, which is a special award for performing exceptionaly high on al graded events. 495 More importantly, al Auburn cadets pased each event on the first atempt, and none of them were evaluated as needing overal improvement; to the best of Lieutenant Colonel Copeland?s knowledge, this was a first for the War Eagle Batalion. The batalion also received recognition from the 6 th Brigade commander for ataining the highest land navigation test scores out of the entire brigade. In terms of overal quality that includes academic excelence, 11 cadets in the program wil be designated as Distinguished Military Graduates, which only cadets ranked in the top 20% of the OML receive. 496 494 Note, the OML numericaly ranks every cadet based upon such factors as camp performance, level of achievement when taking the Army Personal Fitness Test, extracuricular activities, academic achievement, etc. 495 Note, the Army designates cadets with one of thre overal ratings: ?N? for neds improvement, ?S? for satisfactory, and ?E? for exceds the standard. Anualy, 26.9% of Auburn cadets earn E?s at camp compared to the national average of 23.7%. For the previous 3, 5, and 10 years, 57%, 58%, and 51% of Auburn cadets have ben ranked in the top-half of the national OML. 496 Ibid. 144 Fundamental to these atainments is commitment on the part of Auburn University Army ROTC cadets. When further outlining why he favors a voluntary ROTC program, Lieutenant Colonel Copeland used the present-day commitment of Army ROTC cadets as an example of why the War Eagle Batalion improved as a result of the 1969 transformation of ROTC. Commitment is the main, subjective quality that the cadre members ases in a cadet. As PMS, Lieutenant Colonel Copeland wants cadets whose ?hearts? are invested in what they do as cadets. He contends that in a mandatory program, ?morale, welfare, good order and discipline, and training are not going to be as high? in terms of quality. Given the decline in the commision needs of the Army as wel as these favorable aspects of the elective ROTC program at Auburn University, it appears that the decision of the 1969 Auburn University ROTC Study Commite did prove beneficial to the program, as the majority opinion had speculated. Echoing one of the main arguments of the faculty and staf during 1969, Lieutenant Colonel Copeland summarized the advantage of the current program by afirming that the ?commitment piece is something that you are not going to get if ROTC is compulsory ? 497 This emphasis on acquiring a higher quality of cadet corresponded in 2013 with the overriding desire of former USACC CG, Major General Smith to reinforce the recruitment of high quality cadets with that of providing higher quality training. 498 As the 2013 Army Leader Development Strategy explains, ?leadership underpins everything the Army does,? and therefore even with severe budgetary restraints the Army is commited 497 Ibid. 498 United States Army Cadet Comand, USACC Strategic Plan 2013, Major General Jeforey A. Smith, 2013, 4. 145 to investing in leader development. 499 Possesing no definitive idea of what the future looks like in terms of Army capabilities or combat operations, the top Army leadership argues that the only asured way to maintain readines is to cultivate leaders who exhibit the critical traits of ?being adaptable, agile, flexible, responsive, and resilient.? 500 Responding to this necesity, 2013 marked the beginning of a dramatic transformation in how USACC approaches cadet training. In the 2013 USACC Strategic Plan, Major General Smith offered his vision for how Cadet Command would evolve from its ?pre- transformation state in 2013.? Employing similar language to the 2013 Army Leader Development Strategy, he explained that Changes to Cadet Command and ROTC were initiated in 2013 by the Army?s need for higher quality, adaptive leaders and resource constraints associated with reduced defense spending. Although pre-2013 ROTC met out Army?s needs, [sic] it did so with considerable atrition and unaceptable fiscal ineficiency. The primary measure of succes was quantity, and the quality of training and development of our Army?s future leaders suffered. 501 The new vision contains many operational changes, but in terms of the broader continuum of ROTC style training, arguably the most revealing plan is for cadets to atend ROTC summer camps not only the summer of their junior year but also the summers after their freshman and sophomore years. These additional training camps, as wel as a few alterations to LDAC, are probably the greatest ways in which cadets at Auburn University wil be afected by this new strategic vision. Becoming fully operational in 2016, rising sophomores wil atend Cadet Initial Entry Training (CIET), 499 US Department of the Army, Army Leader Development Strategy, Sergeant Major of the Army Raymond F. Chandler II, United States Army Chief of Staf General Raymond T. Odierno, Secretary of the Army John M. McHugh, 2013, 1. 500 Ibid., 4-5. 501 United States Army Cadet Comand, USACC Strategic Plan 2013, Major General Jeforey A. Smith, 2013, 4. 146 which wil emphasize basic individual combat skils. Available by 2017, rising junior cadets wil participate in a Cadet Leader Course (CLC) involving tactical training and instruction in special topics. 502 What makes these developments, which began in 2013, truly remarkable is that they demonstrate the prescience of General Leonard Wood who exactly one hundred years earlier in 1913 first experimented with ROTC style summer training camps and found them the critical factor to improving existing military training programs for young men. This action on the part of USACC to mandate additional summer training actualy corrects a problem with Auburn University Army ROTC that a contributor to the Plainsman, almost eighty years prior, in 1934 wrote concerning freshmen cadets: Three years here as a cadet warrior wil do litle more than give him a rather hazy idea of the theory of war, and wil do litle towards causing him to regard his work as a soldier seriously?it remains for that much discussed camp after his Junior year to convince him that he is the property of Uncle Sam, and that he is an integral part of the national defense. If there were only some way in which our ? [average freshman] could be imbued with this spirit of felowship with the U.S. Army, he would find his war clases much more interesting, and infinitely more valuable.? 503 One aspect of the War Eagle Batalion that certainly has not changed is the level of commitment shown by the university toward the program. Given his experience as PMS for the past three years, when asked to describe the relationship of the program with the university, Lieutenant Colonel Copeland emphaticaly aserted, ?I couldn?t ask for anything beter.? For example, the cadre have full aces to university facilities and posses a phenomenal level of support from the university administration. He further explained that not only do a large number of the university administrators have military 502 Gary Sheftick, ?Cadet Comand Boldly Changing ROTC Program? Army News Service, October 24, 2013, acesed March 30, 2014, http:/ww.army.mil/article/113856/. 503 ?Cabages and Kings by B. S,? Plainsman, September 12, 1934. 147 backgrounds but Auburn University President Jay Gogue is also a graduate of the War Eagle Batalion, which beter enables him as president to satisfy the needs of Army ROTC at the university. Particularly beneficial to the program was Dr. Gogue hiring retired Lieutenant General Ron Burges as a special asistant to the president. Himself a graduate of the War Eagle Batalion, in addition to being in charge of university cyber operations, Lieutenant General Burges is the university director for military afairs, which includes supervising the ROTC program. As Lieutenant Colonel Copeland explained regarding the general, ?He takes care of us, and our needs are communicated to the president.? 504 For these reasons, the university demonstrates in the present-day an exceptional level of commitment to its Army ROTC program. What has changed is the public visibility of the Army ROTC program. The present-day War Eagle Batalion contains around 120 cadets in contrast to the approximately 1500 that it contained both in 1939 and 1969. 505 As a result, Army cadets are perhaps most likely to be recognized by the general campus community as representing a collective group of cadets, encompasing Army, Naval, and Air Force ROTC at Auburn University. For example, the three ROTC units act in unison for events such as marching on parade during Tiger Walk and executing flag detail prior to local footbal games. They also collaborate for the annual Auburn University President?s Day festivities each May, which entail a motivational run in the morning and a military review held that afternoon in honor of the university president. Nevertheles, the Army ROTC program is also active on the campus in other ways. Every Wednesday during the 504 Lieutenant Colonel Jefrey Copeland, interview by author, Auburn, Alabama, March 7, 2014. 505 Photo Caption, Plainsman, April 4, 1939; Andrew W. LaMar to Hary M. Philpot, ?Army ROTC Report, Auburn University Schol Year 1969-70,? November 14, 1969, box 45, file ?Philpott, ROTC, Army 1969-70,? Philpott Papers. 148 semester, when Army ROTC cadets participate in the ?lab? portion of their training ? formerly referred to as dril ? the cadets wear their uniforms, which helps to sustain visibly the legacy of soldier training at Auburn University. Army cadets can also be sen raising or lowering the flags behind Samford Hal on wekdays ? an honor that the diferent ROTC units share on a rotational basis. In truth, cadets tending to flag detail at Samford Hal symbolize the general understanding most individuals have in regard to Army ROTC on the Auburn University campus. They se it in action every now and then, but do not understand the full history. For example, in 1927 Auburn University Army ROTC cadets in Scabbard and Blade and in the Engineer unit erected the first flagpole for the campus. Based on the available records, the original flagpole was located almost, if not exactly, in the same spot where it is today. 506 Moreover, one of the compeling reasons for acquiring the flag was the War Department awarding the Army ROTC unit a distinguished rating for seven years in a row. 507 Auburn University posseses not just an ordinary history of solider training but rather one characterized by high achievement and contribution to national defense throughout its entire existence. Collegiate solider training as enacted at Auburn University is a direct result of atempts by the United States government to prepare for mas mobilization warfare. Senator Morril inserted the military training provision into the his land-grant bil as a means of preventing another mobilization fiasco like that of the early days of the Civil War; however, land grant colleges and universities never realized the entirety of Morril?s vision for military training until the creation of Army ROTC in 1916 provided a truly 506 ?New Flagpole Comes to Rest,? Plainsman, April 30, 1927; ?Presentation of Flag Made by Legion Here,? Plainsman, May 21, 1927. 507 ?Honor Society to Erect Flagpole on Campus,? Plainsman, March 12, 1927. 149 capable infrastructure for delivering valuable collegiate military training. During the interwar years, the Army ROTC program became a central part of Auburn University campus life, and the many officers commisioned at Auburn University during the later part of the interwar years represented an important reserve force, which American could and did cal upon in time of war. That close relationship with Army ROTC proved to be one of the key factors that enabled Auburn University during World War II to contribute to the national war efort on a large scale by means of the Army Student Training Program, since it already contained the military infrastructure and personnel necesary to run such a program. During the tumultuous 1960s, while some campuses removed their ROTC programs entirely, the longstanding afect of the Morril Act was evident in that debate at Auburn University revolved not around possible removal of ROTC but on how to protect the rights of students while also increasing the quality of the program. Although the decentering of ROTC on the Auburn University campus may have semed like a downward turn, the subsequent product of that decision was a higher quality program. In response to the modern day preparednes needs of the Army, the Auburn University ROTC program is likely to continue to improve. Whether furnishing the high quantity of officers required by mas mobilization wars of the 20 th Century or the high quality of officers demanded by scientificaly and technologicaly advanced warfare in the 21 st Century, Auburn University and its Army ROTC program have adapted to fulfil the military preparednes provision of the Morril Act. As a land-grant university, with its countles scientific, mechanical, and agricultural acomplishments, Auburn University maintains an enviable record of working for the beterment of the surrounding and national community, going above and 150 beyond what one might normaly expect from a public university. It is unfortunate that most people only regard Auburn University in terms of its footbal team. Of course, a lasting testament to the martial background of the university is the often-heard exclamation, ?War Eagle!? As the university website explains, it is ?Auburn?s batle cry,? not simply a cheer. 508 People may debate the origin of the expresion, but its military character is clear, and every time someone hollers ?War Eagle!? they indirectly help keep alive the heritage of the university?s connection to the military. Acordingly, despite what some individuals might say, the overwhelmingly important contribution of Auburn University is not about its footbal team ataining another win for its own fan base but rather that of contributing to victories that the broader society may enjoy, whether on the agricultural field, the engineering field, or the batlefield. Similarly, Lieutenant Colonel Copeland aserts that, ?You know, everybody knows about the Auburn footbal team, [but] we?re a division I competitive formation right here. Our ROTC program is one of the best in the nation.? 509 This high quality of officer instruction and training is reasuring, given that former cadets from Auburn University Army ROTC currently are, and likely wil be in the future, engaged in combat operations overseas. In fact, such a possibility for graduates of the War Eagle Batalion becomes even more real when considering that the second to last sentence in the 2014 Army Posture Statement warns of the ?high likelihood? of America being at war within the next twenty years. 510 Fortunately, a Plainsman article from January 1944 offers some final comforting words of hope in regard to Auburn University and its Army ROTC program: 508 ?Traditions,? Auburn University, acesed March 30, 2014,http:/www.auburn.edu/main/welcome/traditi ons.html. 509 Lieutenant Colonel Jefrey Copeland, interview by author, Auburn, Alabama, March 7, 2014. 510 US Department of the Army, Army Posture Statement, Secretary of the Army John M. McHugh and United States Army Chief of Staf General Raymond T. Odierno, March 25, 2014, 32. 151 Auburn?It has sen the women of the town and the girls of the school serve as nurses; it has watched the Army come and the students go into Army uniform. It has been altered with each war, yet the esential spirit of War Eagle has never changed. The part Auburn has played in these wars has been great; but the preparation of her young men [and women] to go into a world of either war or peace has been her greatest gift. 511 511 ?Thre Down and One to Go,? Plainsman, January 14, 194. 152 Bibliography Bensel, Richard Franklin. Yankee Leviathan: The Origins of Central State Authority in America, 1859-1877. Cambridge, Mas: Cambridge University, 1990. Catalogue of the Alabama Polytechnic Institute. 1915, AU. Catalogue of the Alabama Polytechnic Institute. 1916, AU. Catalogue of the Alabama Polytechnic Institute. 1917, AU. Catalogue of the Alabama Polytechnic Institute. 1918, AU. 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