Victim Blaming and Rape Myth Acceptance: Attitudes that Influence Advice-Giving to Victims of Sexual Assault by Courtney Ann Clippert-Treadwell A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Auburn University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Auburn, Alabama August 2, 2014 Copyright 2014 by Courtney Ann Clippert-Treadwell Approved by Randolph Pipes, Chair, Professor of Special Education, Rehabilitation, and Counseling David Shannon, Professor of Educational Foundation, Leadership, and Technology Jamie Carney, Professor of Special Education, Rehabilitation, and Counseling ii Abstract The current study investigated whether the consumption of alcohol, type of dress worn, and degree of resistance would influence whether or not people would advise a hypothetical rape victim to disclose her sexual assault to a close friend, family member, mental health professional, or report the sexual assault to the police. There were a total of 149 participants who participated in the study. Results indicated that, after controlling for rape myth acceptance, victim characteristics (i.e., alcohol, dress, resistance) in scenarios did not impact the likelihood of advisement of disclosure to a close friend, family member, mental health professional, or the police. Results indicated that there was a significant effect for resistance on assigned blame. The hypothetical perpetrator was blamed significantly more when there was a moderate level of resistance than when there was lower resistance. The victim was blamed significantly more when there was no resistance than when there was a higher level of resistance. Additional analyses found that participants were more likely to recommend that the victim disclose to a mental health professional than a close friend or family member. Also, participants were more likely to recommend that the victim report to a police officer than to a close friend or family member. iii Acknowledgments My journey throughout graduate school and the completion of my dissertation wouldn?t have been possible without the support from the people in my life. Words cannot express how grateful I am for all of those who have helped me achieve my dream! To Dr. Pipes: thank you so very much for your guidance, help and support throughout these past four years. I am appreciative of your dedication and the countless hours you?ve put into this project and to my overall professional development. You have been a wonderful advisor, mentor, professor, and supervisor and I have learned so much from you. I have fond memories of the talks we had in your office and I will continue to cherish them. Dr. Shannon, thank you for all of your help throughout this process. You always made time to help, especially when I was ready to throw my statistics book out of the window. ? Dr. Carney, thank you so much for joining me on this journey; I truly appreciate your willingness to be part of this process. Dr. Dagley, thank you for your years of guidance and encouragement. To Erin: I am so appreciative of your support and friendship; thank you. Together, we made it through comps, the internship process and our dissertations, and you helped make it so much more manageable. To Natalie T.: my buddy, I have continued to experience your support all the way from Michigan. Thank you for being such a great friend. To Kristin, Kerri, and Marilyn: I am very thankful for y?all?s support this year during our internship. I will especially miss our ?internship support group? each week, which is something I always looked forward to. iv To my Dad and Mom: thank you for being such loving, caring, supportive, and encouraging parents. You two always made my education a priority and encouraged me to be who I wanted to be. As you always said, Momma, ?if you reach for the moon and fall, you?ll still be among the stars.? I owe so much of my success to y?all. I love you both to the moon and back! To my loving husband and best friend Tread: we did it! I cannot begin to thank you enough for your patience, love, encouragement, and standing by my side throughout this long journey. I am so grateful for you. Your unwavering support is undeniable, and you?ve helped me reach so many of my milestones. You have relocated several times, with a smile on your face nonetheless, so I could pursue my dream and I couldn?t have done this without you. I couldn?t have dreamt for a better partner and I am so thrilled we can begin this next chapter of our lives. 143! v Table of Contents Abstract ......................................................................................................................................... ii Acknowledgments........................................................................................................................ iii List of Tables ............................................................................................................................. viii List of Figures .............................................................................................................................. ix Chapter I. Introduction ................................................................................................................ 1 Background Information ................................................................................................. 1 Chapter II. Review of the Literature ........................................................................................... 5 Victim Blaming ............................................................................................................... 5 Rape Myths ..................................................................................................................... 9 Reporting Sexual Assault to the Police ......................................................................... 15 Disclosure ..................................................................................................................... 18 Advice ........................................................................................................................... 24 Summary ....................................................................................................................... 26 Chapter III. Hypotheses ............................................................................................................ 28 Chapter IV. Method .................................................................................................................. 31 Participants .................................................................................................................... 31 Design ........................................................................................................................... 33 Measures ....................................................................................................................... 33 Development of Scenarios ............................................................................................ 35 vi Order Effects ................................................................................................................. 36 Procedure ...................................................................................................................... 36 Statistical Analysis ........................................................................................................ 37 Chapter V. Results ..................................................................................................................... 38 Preliminary Analyses .................................................................................................... 38 Preliminary MANCOVA Results ................................................................................. 39 Effects of Dress, Alcohol, and Level of Resistance on Disclosure and Blame ............ 42 Follow-Up Analysis of the Effect of Resistance on Blame .......................................... 44 Additional Analyses ...................................................................................................... 45 Within-Subjects Effects of Dress, Alcohol, and Level of Resistance on Disclosure ... 46 Within-Subjects Effects of Dress, Alcohol, and Level of Resistance on Blame .......... 48 Summary of Results ...................................................................................................... 50 Chapter VI. Discussion .............................................................................................................. 52 Hypotheses .................................................................................................................... 52 Summary of Findings .................................................................................................... 56 Additional Analyses ...................................................................................................... 57 Limitations .................................................................................................................... 60 Recommendations for Future Research ........................................................................ 61 References ................................................................................................................................. 63 Appendix A: Informed Consent Letter ...................................................................................... 74 Appendix B: Demographic Survey ............................................................................................. 76 vii Appendix C: Scenarios ............................................................................................................... 77 Appendix D: Disclosure .............................................................................................................. 83 Appendix E: Blame Sally............................................................................................................ 85 Appendix F: Blame John ............................................................................................................ 86 Appendix G: Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale ................................................................... 87 viii List of Tables Table 1: Demographic Characteristics of the Sample ................................................................. 32 Table 2: Pearson Correlation Coefficients for the Covariate and Dependent Variables .......... 39 Table 3: Box?s Test of Equality of Covariance ......................................................................... 39 Table 4: Overall Mean Values for Each Scenario ..................................................................... 41 Table 5: Overall Means for Each Level of Dress ...................................................................... 42 Table 6: Overall Means for Each Level of Alcohol ................................................................... 43 Table 7: Overall Means for Each Level of Resistance .............................................................. 43 Table 8: 2 x 2 x 3 Multivariate Results ...................................................................................... 44 Table 9: Bonferonni Post-Hoc Analyses .................................................................................... 45 Table 10: Pearson Correlation Coefficients: Disclosure and Rape Myth Acceptance .............. 46 Table 11: 12 x (4) Mixed ANCOVA Results ............................................................................ 47 Table 12: Pairwise Comparisons ............................................................................................... 48 Table 13: Pearson Correlation Coefficients: Blame and Rape Myth Acceptance ..................... 48 Table 14: 12 x (2) Mixed ANCOVA Blame .............................................................................. 49 ix List of Figures Figure 1: Assignment of Blame by Group ................................................................................ 50 1 I. Introduction Background Information Rape is a widespread problem, not only in the United States, but other cultures as well. Although statistics vary slightly as to the percentage of people who have been sexually assaulted, or the estimated percentage of how many people will be sexually assaulted in their lifetime, there is no denying the fact that sexual assault is a prevalent phenomenon in the United States, and arguably more common than people think. In 2010, the National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey sampled 16,507 men and women in the United States to address the prevalence of sexual assault (National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, 2010). According to the survey, one in five women reported that they had been raped or had experienced an attempted rape during their lifetime. Similarly, according to Kilpatrick, Resnick, Ruggiero, Conoscenti, and McCauley (2007), approximately 20 million of the 112 million women in the United States, reported being sexually assaulted during their lifetime. Of the 20 million people who reported being sexually assaulted, it is estimated that 18 million women were forcibly raped1, three million experienced a drug- facilitated rape, and three million women were raped while incapacitated (Kilpatrick et al., 2007). Moreover, research indicated that at least one million women in the United States reported being victims of sexual assault in 2006 (Kilpatrick et al., 2007). Interestingly, only 16% of all rapes reported were reported to law enforcement (Kilpatrick et al., 2007). In 2011, The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) reported that there were an estimated 83,425 forcible 1 Unfortunately, researchers used categories such as ?forcible rape,? which was defined as ?unwanted sexual act involving oral, anal or vaginal penetration. The victim also experiences force, threat of force, or sustains an injury during the assault.? Despite the explanation, use of the term ?forcible rape? seems to imply that there are forms of rape which are not ?forcible.? 2 rapes1 reported to law enforcement (FBI Uniform Crime Reports, 2011). This estimate provided in 2011 was 2.5 percent lower than the 2010 estimate and 9.5 percent lower than the 2007 estimate (FBI Uniform Crime Reports, 2011). The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention suggests that, based upon the prevalence of sexual assault, when compared to the number of reports, sexual assault is the most underreported violent crime in the United States. Using statistics compiled by the FBI, there also appears to be a decrease in the percentage of rapes which are reported to the police (FBI Uniform Crime Reports, 2011). There has been research that examines reasons as to why people report and do not report to the police. Victim blaming attitudes and rape myth acceptance seem to contribute to the likelihood that victims of sexual assault will not report their victimization and will not seek the help they need (Frese, Moya, & Megias, 2004). For example, two male high school football players were convicted of raping a high school female in Steubenville, Ohio; one of the men distributed a nude image of the victim online (Opel, 2013). In light of the recent Steubenville, Ohio, rape case (Opel, 2013), victim blaming attitudes have been portrayed and discussed in social media. After becoming aware of the incident in Ohio, Samantha Stendal indicated that she was inspired to make a video entitled ?A Needed Response? (Reese, 2013). She stated that she was frustrated after hearing the media discuss what the victim could have done differently to prevent the rape (Reese, 2013). The video portrayed a female who was passed out on the couch while the man covered her up with a blanket and placed a pillow underneath her head. He stated ?real men treat women with respect? (Reese, 2013). Stendal stated ?I wanted to make something that was more positive than what was being shown. We should be treating each other as human beings not blaming victims? (Reese, 2013). Moreover, others have spread awareness that victim blaming is not okay. For 3 example, one man posted a picture of himself holding a sign on Tumblr, which is a blogging site that allows one to post pictures, quotes, music etc. for others to view. The sign said ?? when I became a victim of a sex crime, no one asked if I was drunk or what I was wearing or what I did to make it happen.? #Steubenville? (http://www.tumblr.com). In one sense, this story meant to depict gender differences, which is not what this study is about; however, at the same time, this touches on the importance as to why we study victim blaming factors, because victims are exposed to questions and statements that blame them for being sexually assaulted. Compared to research on reports to the police, little research appears to have focused on conditions contributing to whether people do or do not disclose sexual assault to peers, family, etc. It has been shown that people will turn to their peers to discuss their problems, and will often disclose their sexual assault to these peers (Fisher, Daigle, Cullen, & Turner, 2003; Pitts & Schwartz, 1993). Studies have examined the importance of negative social reaction, and how peer?s reactions will increase or decrease the likelihood that one will disclose and/or report their sexual assault to law enforcement (Frese et al., 2004). Very little research has examined advice-giving, let alone advice-giving to people who have been sexually assaulted. In a general sense, not specifically referring to sexual assault, Ruback (1994) examined how victims of crime are influenced by other people?s input. Yamawaki (2007) examined college students? attitudes about giving help-seeking advice to people who were sexually assaulted. Furthermore, little research has examined the relationship between rape myth acceptance, and whether individuals will advise peers to disclose and/or report if they have been sexually assaulted. One experimental study found that individuals with high rape myth acceptance, when compared to those with low rape myth acceptance, were less likely to suggest that victims report the rape to the police (Frese et al., 2004). Moreover, 4 although research has examined how certain factors, such as type of dress worn, contributes to victim blaming, studies have not examined those specific factors and how they influence the likelihood people will encourage victims to disclose their sexual assault. Exploring this line of research is important because it has already been suggested that people?s input influences help-seeking behavior (Ruback, 1994), although we do not know how the input impacts victims of sexual assault. Researchers have suggested that it is most likely that a victim of sexual assault will disclose their assault to a peer (Fisher et al., 2003; Pitts & Schwartz, 1993). Poor advice-giving may potentially have a detrimental impact on victims of sexual assault, such that the victims may not seek the help needed to recover, or even worse, blame themselves for the sexual assault. Therefore, the next step in this field of research is to examine how the presence or absence of factors that contribute to victim blaming (e.g., type of dress worn, degree of resistance) encourages or dissuades people from providing advice to victims of sexual assault. The purpose of this study is to determine whether the consumption of alcohol, type of dress worn, and degree of resistance will influence whether or not people will advise the rape victim to disclose her sexual assault to a close friend, family member, mental health professional, or report the rape to the police. 5 II. Review of the Literature Sexual Assault on College Campuses It is important to study rape in the college population in particular because college students are more likely than their non-college counterparts to be sexually assaulted (Fischer, Turner, & Cullen, 1999). According to the United States Department of Education, one in five women, and 6.1% of men will be victims of attempted or completed sexual assault while in college. Data prepared for the Jeanne Clery Disclosure of Campus Security and Campus Crime Statistics Act suggested that approximately 3,300 rapes were reported among colleges and universities in 2009. Kilpatrick, Resnick, Ruggiero, Conoscenti, and McCauley (2007) reported that estimates suggest that of the approximately six million women who have attended American colleges, 673,000 have been raped during their college tenure. Similar to non-college population estimates, only 12% of rapes were reported to law enforcement. Also consistent with the non- college population, college students are less likely to report their sexual assault to law enforcement if alcohol was involved (Kilpatrick et al., 2007). Victim Blaming A large body of literature has examined victim blaming in regard to sexual assault. People who believe they are responsible for what happens to them often blame those who are victims of crimes. Heider?s (1958) theory of attribution deals with the question of how people come to arrive at their conclusions about the causes of behavior--the behavior of themselves as well as that of other people. This is thought to help people both understand and control their world. Researchers have examined how attribution theory explains how the victims of crimes are perceived. Fiske and Taylor (1991) asserted that ?attribution theory deals with how the 6 social perceiver uses information to arrive at causal explanations for events. It examines what information is gathered and how it is combined to form causal judgment? (p. 23). Heider (1958) describes two types of attributions: 1) internal attribution and 2) external attribution. Internal attributions mean that the person believes that behavior (whether that of themselves or of others) can be explained by ?internal? factors such as personality traits or effort, while external attributions mean that the person believes that behavior (whether that of themselves or of others) can be explained by ?external? factors such as the situation they are in, other people, or luck. Using this theory in relation to rape scenarios, Rotter (1996) suggested that when internal attributions are utilized, victims are more likely to be blamed; conversely, victims are not so likely to be blamed if external attributions are utilized. An example of an internal attribution would be: the woman was raped because she was promiscuous (something about her). An example of an external attribution would be: the woman was raped because the ally was not well-lighted (something about the situation). The Just World Theory is another commonly cited theory relating to sexual violence (Lerner & Matthews, 1967; Lerner, 1980). This theory states that people have a need to believe that the world is a fair place, and that good things happen to good people, while bad things happen to those who deserve them. This belief is yet another way for people to believe that they have control of their environment. According to Lerner (1980), in relation to sexual violence, people believe the victim deserved the offense based upon the evidence they searched for to suggest that the victim instigated the incident. When people believe in theories and hypotheses such as just world theory, it can make it easy for them to blame the victim for what happened to them. Rape myths, which will be discussed later in the paper, is an example of the just world phenomena, and also serve to blame the victim. 7 Research has suggested that victim blaming is a prevalent phenomenon, as evidenced by rape scenario studies. Researchers have found that, even when women are depicted in vignettes as being victims of a violent crime, they are often blamed, ridiculed for their role in the rape, and held responsible for the sexual assault (Calhoun, Selby, & Warring, 1976; Donnerstein & Berkowitz, 1981; Muehlenhard, 1988; Norris & Cubbins, 1992; Ong & Ward, 1999; Richardson & Campbell, 1982; Scronce & Corcoran, 1995). Furthermore, it has been suggested that perceivers? beliefs (e.g., rape myth acceptance), victim characteristics (e.g., physical attractiveness) and situational aspects (e.g., walking alone at night) influence the degree of blame placed on the victim for the sexual assault. Influence of alcohol on victim blaming. Adam-Curtis and Forbes (2004) suggested that when alcohol is involved in sexual assaults, either more blame is placed on the perpetrator for taking advantage of a woman who is intoxicated, or more blame is placed on the victim because she2 became intoxicated and put herself in a dangerous position or rendered herself less skilled in rebuffing overtures. Much of the research supports the notion that when alcohol is involved in a rape, the victim is often blamed. Richardson and Campbell (1982) found that participants viewed those victims who consumed alcohol prior to their sexual assault, when compared to those who did not consume alcohol, as more responsible for their assault. Simms, Noel, and Maistro (2007) reached similar conclusions. Moreover, researchers found that, regardless of whether or not the perpetrators consumed alcohol, the perpetrators were blamed less when the female victims were drunk (Wild, Graham, & Rehm, 1998). Also, Scronce and Corcoran (1995) found that a date rape victim was perceived by respondents as more seductive, promiscuous, 2 For the purpose of this paper, ?she? will be used instead of ?he or she? 8 flirtatious, and sexually proactive when she had consumed alcohol prior to the sexual assault, when compared to someone who had not consumed alcohol prior to the sexual assault. Norris and Cubbins (1992) found that, when only the female victim3 consumed alcohol [in a scenario read by research participants] prior to the assault, both male and female participants were less likely to believe a rape occurred when compared to situations in which neither party consumed alcohol. Conversely, when compared to situations in which only the female victim consumed alcohol [or in which neither victim nor assailant consumed alcohol], research participants were more likely to interpret the scenario as ?rape? if both the victim and assailant consumed alcohol. Wall and Schuller (2000) suggested that these findings can be attributed to the idea that when people voluntarily consume alcohol, both perpetrators and observers may misinterpret this as a sign of sexual intent. Other factors related to victim blaming. Research has examined other factors that increase the likelihood the rape victim will be blamed (Pollard, 1992). These factors are related to the assault itself (e.g., the absence or presence of resistance by the victim) (Ong & Ward, 1999). Ong and Ward (1999) found that victims were more likely to be blamed and held responsible when they did not resist. Another factor shown to influence attitudes toward rape victims and perpetrators is the relationship between the perpetrator and his victim (Bell, Kuriloff, & Lottes, 1994; Monson, Byrd, & Langhinrichsen-Rohling, 1996). The researchers found that when the perpetrator and victim knew one another, the victim was more likely to be blamed for her victimization. 3 The victim and assailant were being portrayed in the scenarios; these were not actual sexual assault cases. 9 Based upon the research, it is evident that when alcohol is involved in sexual assault scenarios, peoples? perceptions are altered. Also, it is evident that other factors also contribute to peoples? perceptions (e.g., resistance by victim, relationship between victim and perpetrator). As previously mentioned, Frese et al. (2004) suggests that victim blaming attitudes seem to contribute to the likelihood victims of sexual assault will not seek the help they need, and presumably, may have more difficulty in their recovery process. Thus, it is important to determine how the presence of alcohol, and other victim blaming factors in sexual assault scenarios influence advice individuals might provide to victims of sexual assault. Furthermore, in situations not involving advice giving, there are still implications for victims of sexual assault when alcohol is involved, because these victims may be afraid to report the attack to the police, or disclose to peers, as they may fear being blamed for the assault. Rape Myths The concept of stereotypes and myths about rape were introduced in the 1970s during the feminist analysis of rape (Brownmiller, 1975). Burt (1980) was a pioneer, as she was one of the first to examine core cultural beliefs and attitudes about rape. Rape myths were first defined as ?prejudicial, stereotyped, or false beliefs about rape, rape victims, and rapists? (Burt, 1980, p. 217). Common examples include: ?when women go around braless or wearing short skirts and tight tops, they are just asking for trouble,? ?any healthy woman can successfully resist a rapist if she really wants to,? and ?if a woman gets drunk at a party and has intercourse with a man she's just met there, she should be considered ?fair game? to other males at the party who want to have sex with her too, whether she wants to or not? (Burt, 1980, p. 223). Lonsway and Fitzgerald (1994) argued that, although Burt?s definition was descriptive, it did not indicate in what ways 10 the beliefs were prejudicial and to whom. Lonsway and Fitzgerald (1994) defined rape myths4 as ?attitudes and beliefs that are generally false but widely and persistently held, and that serve to deny and justify male sexual aggression against women? (p. 134). Although rape myths vary among cultures and societies, and although there is not a universally agreed upon set of rape myths, there are consistent themes that do not vary based upon cultures or societies. Rape myths serve to blame the victim for being raped, while also suggesting that only certain women are raped because of their characteristics. Furthermore, rape myths serve to discredit the victim or to disbelieve the victim; therefore, the perpetrator?s actions are justified or the perpetrator is acquitted (Bohner et al., 1998; Burt, 1980, 1991; Gerger, Kley, Bohner, & Siebler, 2007; Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994, 1995). Payne, Lonsway, and Fitzgerald (1999) subcategorized rape myths into seven main domains, including the following: 1) she asked for it; 2) it wasn?t really rape; 3) he didn?t mean to; 4) she wanted it; 5) she lied; 6) rape is a trivial event and 7) rape is a deviant event (differing from the norm; e.g., rape only occurs on the ?bad? side of town). Functions of rape myths. There are certain functions of rape myths that are particularly important to discuss. According to Brownmiller (1975), one of the biggest functions of a rape myth is to deny or trivialize rape. Moreover, the blame is placed on the victim, and therefore, shifts the responsibility from the perpetrator to the victim. Burt (1991) stated, ?rape myths are the mechanisms that people use to justify dismissing an incident of sexual assault from the category of ?real rape??such beliefs deny the reality of many actual rapes ? (p. 27). As a result, it has been suggested that rape mythology serves to justify the sexual victimization of women 4 ?Within traditions of psychology, sociology, anthropology, and philosophy, the concept of myth is theorized to constitute (1) false or apocryphal beliefs that (2) explain some cultural phenomenon and (3) whose importance lies in maintaining existing cultural arrangements? (Payne, Lonsway, & Fitzgerald, 1999, p. 29). 11 (Lonsway & Fitzgerald. 1994). Researchers have theorized that rape myth acceptance functions differentially based upon sex; men justify male sexual violence, while women deny personal vulnerability (Brownmiller, 1975; Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994). Research has suggested that several factors contribute to the prevalence of sexual assault, one of which is the acceptance of rape myths. (Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994; Loh, Gidyez, Lobo, & Luthra, 2005). Moreover, Loh and colleagues (2005) found that rape myth acceptance is predictive of men?s engagement in sexual violence. Rape myths have been described as another example of the ?just world? phenomenon, as described earlier in this literature review. According to Lerner (1980), people believe the victim deserved the offense based upon the evidence they searched for to suggest the victim instigated the incident. Therefore, rape myths explain why people deserve to be sexually assaulted, and also serves as a protective buffer, or false sense of security, such that they will not be raped because they do not act a certain way, dress a certain way, etc. For example, ?because she wore a short dress, she deserved to be raped; however, since I do not wear short dresses, I will not be raped.? Rape myth acceptance. Since 1980, various measures have been created to examine rape myth acceptance (RMA). According to Lonsway and Fitzgerald (1994), RMA is found in the general population, but does vary among different populations, cultural groups, and time periods. Specifically, after reviewing various scales that measure RMA, researchers found that between 25% and 35% of both male and female respondents agree with the majority of the rape myths (Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994). The majority of RMA studies have been conducted with college students. In a study of college students, Buddie and Miller (2001) found that 66% of 12 their sample endorsed at least some rape myths. Studies have found similar rates of RMA with both college and non-college respondents (Basile, 2002). Demographic variables have been examined with relation to RMA, along with various other beliefs, attitudes, behavioral intentions, and behaviors. The most common demographic variable examined in relation to RMA is the sex of the participant. Many researchers have examined this relationship, and have found that men, when compared to women, are more accepting of rape myths (Ashton, 1982; Blumberg & Lester, 1991; Ellis, O?Sullivan, & Sowards, 1992; Reilly Lott, Caldwell, & DeLuca, 1992). Ethnicity is another common demographic variable examined in relation to RMA. Researchers have found differences in RMA by ethnic identity; Dull and Giacopassi (1987) and Giacopassi and Dull (1986) found that both African American students and Hispanic students were more accepting of RMA when compared to their Caucasian counterparts. Similarly, Fisher (1987) found that Hispanic students were more accepting of RMA when compared to their Caucasian counterparts. Research supports the assumption that rape myths serve to blame the victim or justify the perpetrator?s actions, such that higher levels of RMA are associated with victim blaming (Lambert & Raichle, 2000; Mynatt & Allgeier, 1990); these assumptions carry-over into discretionary decisions that are made by police officers and prosecutors. For example, Frohman (1991) found that when victims admitted to have flirted with an offender before the incident, allowed him to take her home, gave consent to some sexual acts, or was intoxicated at the time of the assault, prosecutors were less likely to pursue prosecution in those rape cases. Gylys and McNamara (1996) conducted a study with prosecuting attorneys from the Midwest, and found that 43% of the respondents demonstrated a moderate to high level of RMA. Similarly, a study of German law students, found that those who endorsed higher levels of RMA 13 were more likely to blame the victim and recommend shorter sentences for the perpetrators (Krahe, Temkin, Bieneck, & Berger, 2008). Moreover, Page (2008) found that when victims of rape interact with police officers, and the characteristics of the rape victim were not indicative of a stereotypical rape victim (e.g., were not virgins or had a prior relationships with the accused), the police officers were less likely to believe them. Research has shown that jury members? attitudes toward rape influence their decision in rape cases (Eyssel & Bohner, 2011; Field & Bienen, 1980; Stewart & Jacquin, 2010). Specifically, researchers found that jurors who believed that women are responsible for preventing rape, or women ?bring? rape upon themselves, was the best predictor of them finding the accused not-guilty. Moreover, Stewart and Jacquin (2010) found that jurors high in rape myth acceptance, when compared to jurors with low rape myth acceptance, gave lower ratings of guilt to the defendant who was being accused of sexual assault. Additionally, researchers conducted a study with 360 jurors from rape trials, and results indicated that any evidence of alcohol consumption by the victim, drug use, or adultery led to disbelief of perpetrator guilt (LaFree, Reskin, & Visher, 1985). Researchers have also found that rape myths are present in the media; furthermore, the rape myths have been found to influence consumers? attitudes toward rape. Brinson (1992) conducted a content analysis of prime-time television dramas. Results indicated that 42% of the dramas portrayed women who ?wanted? to be raped, 38% portrayed a victim lying about rape, and 46% portrayed women who ?asked? to be raped (Brinson, 1992). Franiuk, Seefelt, Cepress, and Vandello (2008) conducted a study with college students, and provided them with an article with headlines that either endorsed rape myths or did not endorse rape myths pertaining to the Kobe Bryant rape case. The results indicated that, those who read rape myth-endorsing 14 headlines, when compared to those who did not, were less likely to believe that Bryant was guilty of rape, and more likely to exhibit rape-supportive attitudes (Franiuk et al., 2008). Grubb and Turner (2012) asserted that RMA or endorsement influences the following: 1) the way victims of rape are perceived; 2) the way victims of rape are treated; and 3) the propagation of a cultural acceptance of rape and a rape-supportive society. Research has supported these claims; it has been argued that RMA is integral in the poor treatment of those who have been raped (Brownmiller, 1975; Burt, 1980; Du Mont, Miller, & Myhr, 2003). ?Women asked to be raped.? The notion, ?women asked to be raped,? is one of the seven domains of rape myths used by Payne, Lonsway, and Fitzgerald (1999) that has been researched extensively. This domain reflects the belief that the victim?s behaviors invited the sexual assault. Ideas in this domain include: ?she was walking at night by herself,? ?she is promiscuous,? and ?she was asking to be raped in that outfit? (Allison & Wrightsman, 1993; Carmondy & Washington, 2001). Researchers have found that 21% of college women believed that women were ?asking for trouble,? if they wore a sexy or provocative outfit (Carmondy & Washington, 2001). However, there is no connection between style of dress and sexual victimization of any sort (Moor, 2010). Similarly, researchers indicated that 27% of college men and 10% of college women endorsed the rape myth that ?women provoke rape.? Moreover, Workman and Orr (1996) conducted a study with college students, and varied the length of the skirt (short, moderate, or long) of a woman who was described as a victim of rape. Results showed that when the woman was wearing the short skirt, when compared to the other two, she was portrayed as wanting to have sex more and enticed the perpetrator (Workman & Orr, 1996). 15 Reporting Sexual Assault to the Police Victim blaming and the acceptance of rape myths affect rates of reporting sexual assault to the police (Giacoppassi & Dull, 1986; Wolitzky-Taylor, Resnick, McCauley, Amstader, Kilpatrick, & Ruggiero, 2011). As previously mentioned, research has suggested that the crimes of sexual assault are underreported (Epstein & Lagenbahn, 1994; Gilmore & Pittman, 1993; Gregory & Lee, 1999; Kilpatrick et al., 2007). Researchers speculate that humiliation or embarrassment contribute to underreporting (Brownmiller, 1975; Filipas & Ullman, 2001). Giacoppassi and Dull (1986) suggested that people are less likely to report their sexual assault to the police if they had been drinking or knew the perpetrator, as they feared they would not be believed, not only by justice officials, but also by family and friends. Similarly, research has indicated that people are more likely to report to the police when their rape is indicative of a societal stereotypical rape, which has been defined in the following ways: being raped by a stranger (Wolitzky-Taylor et al., 2011) and sustaining injuries (Bachman, 1993; Bachman, 1998; Williams, 1984). Other recent research suggests that similar to Giacoppassi and Dull?s (1986) findings, people are less likely to report to the police when victims used alcohol and/or drugs at the time of the assault (Clay-Warner & Burt, 2005). Sexual victimization in college women has also gone underreported (Fisher, Sloan, Cullen, & Lu, 1998; Koss, Gidycz, & Wisniewski, 1987; Sloan, Fisher, & Cullen, 1997). Researchers have suggested that college women, when compared to community-residing women, are less likely to report sexual victimization to the police (Fisher, Cullen, & Turner, 2000). Previous studies have found various rates of reporting sexual assault to the police. For example, researchers found that only 5% of college student rape victims reported their experience to the police (Koss et al., 1987), while Sloan, Fisher, and Cullen (1997) found that 22% of rapes and 16 17% of sexual assaults were reported to the police, campus security, or other authorities, while 97.7% of unwanted sexual contacts were not reported. As a result, researchers have conducted studies to examine the likelihood people will report their rape or sexual assault. Researchers conducted a study with college students to examine variables that predicted people reporting sexual assault to the police (Wolitzky-Taylor, Resnick, Amstader, McCauley, Ruggiero, & Kilpatrick, 2011). Researchers found that, out of 230 women who indicated that they had experienced rape, only 27 women (11.5%) reported their rape to law enforcement officials (Wolitzky-Taylor et al., 2011). Moreover, when the victims defined their rape as ?forcible rape5,? 16.0% reported to the police, whereas, only 2.7% people reported their rape when it was ?incapacitated rape/drug-alcohol facilitated rape.? Among demographic variables, age at the time of the rape and race/ethnicity were the only two significant predictors of reporting rape to the police. Those who were raped before the age of 10, and Caucasian women were more likely to report to the police. Additionally, those who encountered an injury, as a result of the rape, were more likely to report to the police, which is consistent with previous research (Felson, Messner, & Hoskin, 1999; Pino & Meier, 1999). Reporting sexual assault to the police is also correlated when the perpetrator used force (Bachman, 1993). Other researchers have found that older women, when compared to younger women, were more likely to report their sexual assault to the police (Gartner & Macmillan, 1995). Additionally, reporting to the police or other law enforcement officials are determined by incident-related contexts and characteristics (Bachman, 1998; Gartner & Macmillan, 1995; Williams, 1984). Several incident-related contexts and characteristics found include the 5 Researchers chose to categorize types of rape and described forcible rape as when the perpetrator used force or threat of force, or the victim reported being injured as a result of unwanted vaginal, oral, or anal penetration. 17 following: the relationship between the victim and perpetrator, location of the offense, and the consumption of alcohol. The crimes that caused more physical and/or psychological harm were the most likely to be reported to the police (Bachman, 1998; Gartner & Macmillan, 1995; Williams, 1984). Additionally, victims of sexual assault completed a survey and reported that the presence of weapons and threats or use of force contributed to the perception of the seriousness of the crime (Gartner & Macmillan, 1995). Researchers also suggest that victims may engage in self-blame or guilt, if they subscribe to the societal belief of rape myths, and blame themselves, or believe they could have prevented the assault, thus deterring them from seeking help (Giacoppassi & Dull, 1986). Self-blame appears to be exacerbated when victims were under the influence of alcohol (Koss et al., 1987). Finkelson and Oswalt (1995) discovered that victims were more likely to internalize the blame when they thought that other people would negatively judge their experience. Moreover, people were more worried about how other people may judge their experience when alcohol was involved (Koss et al., 1987). Also, researchers have found that people wish to avoid stigma that is related to being a victim of rape, or wanted to keep their experience private (Bachman, 1998; Weis & Borges, 1973). To date, there has been limited research examining the influence other people have on victims? disclosure or reporting to the police. Feldman-Summers & Ashworth (1981) found that people were more likely to report to the police if they thought that their husbands, boyfriends, or close friends would want them to report the victimization. Research has been conducted that examines the relationship between RMA and suggesting that victims of rape report their victimization to the police. Individuals with high RMA, when compared to those with low 18 RMA, were less likely to suggest that victims report the rape to the police (Frese et al., 2004; Krahe, 1988). Disclosure Although research has documented that victims of rape and sexual assault are hesitant to report to the police, these incidents of victimization may have been disclosed to other peers, family, etc. (Ahrens, Campbell, Ternier-Thames, Wasco, & Sefl, 2007; Borja, Callahan, & Long, 2006). In one study, more than 75% of victims of rape told someone about their victimization (Pitts & Schwartz, 1993). Respondents were the most likely to tell a female friend about their victimization (Pitts & Schwartz, 1993). Similarly, numerous research studies have demonstrated that most people will disclose their victimization to a friend; however, only a small percentage of people tend to disclose their experience to a family member, or health or social work professionals (Dunn, Vail-Smith, & Knight, 1999; Fisher, Daigle, Cullen, & Turner, 2003; Golding, Siegel, Sorenson, Burnam, & Stein, 1989). Fisher, Daigle, Cullen, and Turner (2003) conducted a National College Women Sexual Victimization Study, and found that 88% of the respondents disclosed their sexual assault to their peers, 10% of college women disclosed their sexual assault to family members, 4% disclosed to campus authority, and 1% disclosed to a counselor. Another study found that women were most likely to disclose their experience to their husbands or boyfriends (Feldman-Summers & Ashworth, 1981). Although research has examined predictors of reporting sexual assault to the police, few studies have examined correlates of disclosing sexual assault to informal support providers (e.g., peers, family members). Much like reporting to the police, researchers have found that people are more likely to disclose their sexual assault when they have sustained an assault-related injury 19 (Starzynski, Ullman, Filipas, & Townsend, 2005; Ullman & Filipas, 2001). Additionally, people are more likely to disclose their sexual assault when they believe that the disclosure will help them in their recovery (Sudderth, 1998; Washington, 2001). Complex nature of disclosure. Disclosing a sexual assault to others can be a complex process. On one hand, disclosing the sexual assault can create opportunities for people to obtain social support, and people may experience increased understanding of the incident, thus ameliorate the negative effects of the incident (Campbell, Ahrens, Sefl, Wasco, & Barnes, 2001; Greenberg, Wortman, & Stone, 1996). On the other hand, disclosing a sexual assault to others can be an unpleasant experience, especially if the person is ridiculed or blamed for the incident (Campbell et al., 2001; Ullman, 2000). There are many factors that are involved when people are deciding whether or not they disclose their sexual assault. Researchers have identified characteristics of the assault and how the person interprets those characteristics of the assault as one factor that influences disclosure (Campbell et al., 2001; Bourdreaux, Kilpatrick, Resnick, Best, & Saunders, 1998; Starzynski, Ullman, Filipas, & Townsend, 2005; Ullman, 1996a). For example, researchers have found that people are more likely to disclose when the accused is a stranger, when the person experiences a physical injury or emotional distress, and when self-blame is low (Bourdreaux et al., 1998; Starzynski et al.; Ullman, 1996a). Another factor that contributes to disclosure is the anticipated and actual response a person experiences from disclosing the assault (Bourdreaux et al., 1998; Campbell et al., 2001; Ullman & Filipas, 2001). Bourdreaux and colleagues (1998) found that women delay disclosure or decide not to disclose out of fear of being judged or experiencing negative reactions from 20 other people. Moreover, women are hesitant to disclose when they were not physically injured in the assault (Ullman & Filipas, 2001). Consequences of disclosure. Researchers have been interested in understanding potential consequences for those who disclose their sexual assault. Studies have shown that between 25% and 75% of the women who disclosed their sexual assault indicated that people did not believe them, they were blamed for their victimization, and they felt hurt after disclosing their experience (Campbell, et al., 1999; Campbell & Raja, 1999; Campbell et al., 2001). Victims who experience negative social reactions after disclosing their sexual assault are more likely to experience worse psychological adjustment (Davis, Brickman, & Baker, 1991; Ullman, 1996a; Ullman, 1996b). Ullman (2000) describes negative social reactions as assault-specific responses to sexual assault disclosures that blame, stigmatize, or attempt to control the victim, distract the victim from discussing the assault, or demonstrate so much anger that the victim is distracted from focusing on her own needs. Ahrens (2006) found that when people ask for specific details of the event (e.g., ?were you drinking?), even if the person has good-intentions, victims may believe that they are being blamed or are responsible for the victimization. Research has identified several negative social reactions to sexual assault disclosure. Victims of sexual assault are less likely to experience negative social reactions when their sexual assault is more severe, increased level of aggression displayed by the perpetrator, sustaining physical injury, increased frequency of disclosure, and disclosure to a formal support provider (Ullman, 2000; Ullman & Siegel, 1995; Ullman, Staryzynski, Long, Mason, & Long, 2008). Disclosure to friends. Researchers have suggested that victims of sexual assault disclose to friends, family, etc. in order to seek support, and are not seeking advice (Biaggio, Brownell, & 21 Watts, 1991; Frazier & Burnett, 1994; Golding et al., 1989). McKay and colleagues (2001) stated that, given these motivations, people are more likely to disclose to a friend rather than a family member or an informal support provider (as cited in Smith & Cook, 2008). Golding and colleagues (1989) conducted a study, involving 3,132 adults, and found that friends and family members were believed to be helpful, but that the police were often seen as being an unlikely source of support. Similar to the studies showing that when alcohol consumption is involved in the sexual assault people are less likely to report to the police, people are also less likely to disclose their victimization to other people when alcohol was involved in the assault (Pitts & Schwartz, 1993). Disclosure to parents. There is very little literature that examines why women often do not disclose sexual assault to parents (Smith & Cook, 2008). Researchers conducted a qualitative study to explore the relationship between parental discussions of sexuality and disclosure of sexual assault (Smith & Cook, 2008). Researchers found that people were less likely to disclose their sexual assault to their parents when they did not feel comfortable talking to their parents about sexuality (Smith & Cook, 2008). For example, women were less likely to disclose to their parents when they received inhibiting messages, such as talking about sex in restricted ways (e.g., do not engage in sex until married) or when parents discussed particular beliefs (e.g., sex is wrong, dirty). Conversely, women disclosed their sexual assault to at least one parent or caregiver when they received promoting messages about sexuality (Smith & Cook, 2008). Those who do not disclose their sexual assault may turn to alternative coping strategies (e.g., avoidance) that may deter one?s recovery and lead to increased psychological symptoms (Ullman, 1996a). Conversely, if people disclose to supportive parents, who encourage them to disclose to formal support providers this may lead to better outcomes (Smith & Cook, 2008). 22 Disclosure to mental health professionals. Researchers who have studied disclosure to various sources of support have found that people are much less likely to disclose sexual assault to institutions and agencies that would help them with the sexual assault, when compared to informal support providers (Starzynski, Ullman, Townsend, Long, & Long, 2007). It is common for people who have been sexually assaulted to experience psychological symptoms, such as anxiety, depression, posttraumatic stress disorder, low self-esteem, etc., which may last for weeks or years after the sexual assault (Resick, 1993; Rothbaum, Foa, Riggs, Murdock, & Walsh, 1992). Golding and colleagues (1989) found that, despite the fact that psychological symptoms related to sexual assault are treatable, only 16% of people disclosed to mental health professionals. This percentage is slightly below the 20% of people who seek mental health services for emotional disorders (Kessler et al., 2005). Previous research has showed that there is a relationship between assault characteristics and mental health service seeking; victims of stranger rape are more likely to seek help from a mental health professional and will seek help quicker than victims of acquaintance rape (Millar, Stermac, & Addison, 2002). People who have been raped by acquaintances still exhibit similar psychological symptoms, but might not believe they deserve mental health assistance (Koss, Dinero, Seibel, & Cox, 1988). Campbell et al. (2001) discovered that people were more likely to disclose their rape to a mental health professional if a stranger raped them, weapons were present, and they resisted. Previous research has shown that trauma history influences the likelihood a person will disclose the rape to a mental health professional. Ullman and Brecklin (2002) found that women were more likely to disclose their sexual assault to a mental health professional when they experienced both child and adult sexual assault, when compared to women who experienced 23 child or adult sexual assault. Moreover, women who experienced more traumatic life events (e.g., having a serious accident or witnessing death of another person) were more likely to seek mental health care (Ullman & Brecklin, 2002). Another factor that influences disclosure to mental health professions are post-assault factors. Social reactions not only influence disclosure to peers, but also influences disclosure to mental health professionals. Ahrens (2002) found that women who received negative social reactions from people whom they first told would often no longer disclose to other people. However, according to Starzynski and colleagues (2007), no study had examined the relationship between specific social reactions (e.g., blame) received and disclosure of sexual assault to mental health professionals until their study. Previous studies have shown that self-blame is related to poor psychological adjustment after a sexual assault (Frazier, 1990; Frazier & Schauben, 1994); however, the link between self- blame and disclosure of sexual assault to a mental health professional is unknown (Starzynski et al., 2007). Researchers have found that women who believed they have more control in their recovery were less likely to seek help from a mental health professional, while women who believe they have little control often avoid mental health care although they experience psychological distress (Frazier, Mortensen, & Steward, 2005). The research has shown that women are then more likely to avoid seeking mental health help after the sexual assault (Frazier & Burnett, 1994). Starzynski and colleagues (2007) were interested in studying the relationship between sexual assault disclosure to mental health professionals and factors such as demographics, trauma history, assault characteristics, and post-assault characteristics since this had not been studied. Results indicated that, similar to seeking mental health for other issues, women who 24 identified as Caucasian were more likely to disclose their sexual assault to a mental health professional (Starzynski et al., 2007). Similarly, previous researchers have found that minority women were more likely to receive negative social reactions after disclosing their sexual assault (Ullman & Filipas, 2001). Starzynski and colleagues (2007) also found that older women, when compared to younger women, were more likely to disclose their sexual assault to mental health professionals. Other results indicated that women who experienced PTSD were more likely to disclose their sexual assault to mental health professionals (Starzynski et al.). Results from this study showed that women who engaged in more self-blame were less likely to disclose their sexual assault to a mental health professional (Starzynski et al.). Additionally, the researchers found that women were more likely to disclose to a mental health professional when they had previously disclosed to an informal support provider (Starzynski et al.). Starzynski et al. found that the social reactions which women received from others after disclosure was significantly related to their disclosure to mental health professionals. Women who are encouraged by informal support providers (e.g., family, peers) to seek help by formal support providers become aware of the various services available and will be more likely to accept help from formal support providers (Norris, Kaniasty, & Scheer, 1990). Therefore, help-seeking behavior for those who have been sexually assaulted are influenced by both their own attitudes and attitudes of their friends and family. Advice Ruback (1994) found that when victims of crime are deciding whether or not to seek help, they are strongly influenced by other people?s input. Ruback suggested that the seriousness of the crime was a major predictor of advising behavior (providing advice to others). For 25 example, Ruback found that when people thought the crime was serious enough, they advised the people to report to the police. Although this study looked at advising behavior that pertained to the seriousness of the crime and reporting to the police, one could wonder whether this would also affect people?s advice to seek help from a mental health professional or other sources of support or help. Although there are often (presumably) benefits for people who have been sexually assaulted when they disclose to informal and formal support providers, the research about others? help-seeking advice to people who have been sexually assaulted is limited. Yamawaki (2007) conducted a study that examined people?s encouragement to seek help from the police, mental health professionals, or other family members. The study also examined cultural differences between Japanese and American college students and their attitudes about giving help-seeking advice. Results indicated that there were cultural differences in minimization of the seriousness of the rape; when compared to American participants, Japanese participants tended to minimize the seriousness of the rape, and as a result, were less likely to advise the victim to report the crime to the police. Additionally, Yamawaki found that shame had a moderating effect on advising behavior. According to Yamawaki, feelings of shame expressed by the victim influenced Japanese participants? advising behavior, such that they were less likely to advise the victim to report to the police, while feelings of shame did not influence American participants? advising behavior. Yamawaki (2007) found that attitudes toward mental health professionals influenced advising behavior to seek help from a mental health professional. Japanese participants, when compared to American participants, exhibited more negative attitudes toward mental health professionals and exhibited a lesser overall tendency to advise rape victims to seek help from a 26 mental health professional. Moreover, Yamawaki suggests that the minimization of the seriousness of the crime also mediated advising victims to seek help from a mental health professional; Japanese participants, when compared to American participants, were less likely to advise the rape victim to seek help from a mental health professional. Yamawaki (2007) found that there were also differences between Japanese and American participants in advising behavior to family members. Yamawaki stated that Japanese participants were more likely than American participants to advise the rape victim to seek help from a family member. Conversely, the study found that American participants were more likely to advise the rape victim seek help from the police and mental health professionals. Summary Rape is a widespread problem. Although rape is such a prevalent crime in the United States, a small percentage is actually reported to the police (Kilpatrick et al., 2007). Based upon research, victim blaming attitudes and rape myth acceptance seem to contribute to reasons why people do not report the crime and do not seek the help that they need (Frese et al., 2004). Research has already examined how rape myth acceptance and victim blaming attitudes influence how likely people will suggest to victims that they report the rape to the police (Frese et al., 2004). Additionally, although research has examined how factors, such as type of dress worn, contributes to victim blaming, it is uncertain how those factors influence the likelihood people will encourage victims to disclose their sexual assault. Very little research has addressed sexual assault advising behavior in general, much less addressing sexual assault advising behavior when victim blaming factors are included. Therefore, the next step in this line of research is to 27 examine how inclusion of victim blaming factors such as type of dress, consumption of alcohol, and degree of resistance impact people?s advising behavior, as this is unknown. 28 III. Hypotheses Hypotheses: 1a) When asked to read a scenario that involves imagining that a roommate has told them about an incident involving nonconsensual intercourse, it is hypothesized that, after controlling for rape myth acceptance, participants are more likely to suggest that the person disclose the sexual assault to a close friend when the victim did not drink alcohol, than are participants who read a scenario that described the victim who drank alcohol. 1b) When asked to read a scenario that involves imagining that a roommate has told them about an incident involving nonconsensual intercourse, it is hypothesized that, after controlling for rape myth acceptance, participants are more likely to suggest that the person disclose the sexual assault to a family member when the victim did not drink alcohol, than are participants who read the scenario that described the victim who drank alcohol. 1c) When asked to read a scenario that involves imagining that a roommate has told them about an incident involving nonconsensual intercourse, it is hypothesized that, after controlling for rape myth acceptance, participants are more likely to suggest that the person disclose the sexual assault to a mental health professional when the victim drank alcohol, than are participants who read the scenario that described the victim who did not drink alcohol. 1d) When asked to read a scenario that involves imagining that a roommate has told them about an incident involving nonconsensual intercourse, it is hypothesized that, after controlling for rape myth acceptance, participants are more likely to suggest that the person report the sexual assault to the police when the victim did not drink alcohol, than are participants who read the scenario that described the victim who drank alcohol. 2a) When asked to read a scenario that involves imagining that a roommate has told them about an incident involving nonconsensual intercourse, it is hypothesized that, after controlling for rape myth acceptance, participants are more likely to suggest that the person disclose the sexual assault to a close friend when the victim was wearing a modest dress, than are participants who read the scenario that described the victim as wearing a short and revealing dress. 2b) When asked to read a scenario that involves imagining that a roommate has told them about an incident involving nonconsensual intercourse, it is hypothesized that, after controlling for rape myth acceptance, participants are more likely to suggest that the person disclose the sexual assault to a family member when the victim was wearing a modest dress, than are participants who read the scenario that described the victim as wearing a short and revealing dress. 29 2c) When asked to read a scenario that involves imagining that a roommate has told them about an incident involving nonconsensual intercourse, it is hypothesized that, after controlling for rape myth acceptance, participants are more likely to suggest that the person disclose the sexual assault to a mental health professional when the victim was wearing a short and revealing dress, than are participants who read the scenario that described the victim as wearing a modest dress. 2d) When asked to read a scenario that involves imagining that a roommate has told them about an incident involving nonconsensual intercourse, it is hypothesized that, after controlling for rape myth acceptance, participants are more likely to suggest that the person report the sexual assault to the police when the victim was wearing a modest dress, than are participants who read the scenario that described the victim as wearing a short and revealing dress. 3a) When asked to read a scenario that involves imagining that a roommate has told them about an incident involving nonconsensual intercourse, it is hypothesized that, after controlling for rape myth acceptance, participants are more likely to suggest that the person disclose the sexual assault to a close friend when the victim displayed a higher level of resistance, than are participants who read the scenario that described the victim whose resistance level was lower. 3b) When asked to read a scenario that involves imagining that a roommate has told them about an incident involving nonconsensual intercourse, it is hypothesized that, after controlling for rape myth acceptance, participants are more likely to suggest that the person disclose the sexual assault to a family member when the victim displayed a higher level of resistance, than are participants who read the scenario that described the victim whose resistance level was lower. 3c) When asked to read a scenario that involves imagining that a roommate has told them about an incident involving nonconsensual intercourse, it is hypothesized that, after controlling for rape myth acceptance, participants are more likely to suggest that the person disclose the sexual assault to a mental health professional when the victim displayed a lower level of resistance, when compared to participants who read the scenario that described the victim who displayed a higher level of resistance. 3d) When asked to read a scenario that involves imagining that a roommate has told them about an incident involving nonconsensual intercourse, it is hypothesized that, after controlling for rape myth acceptance, participants are more likely to suggest that the person report the sexual assault to the police when the victim displayed a higher level of resistance, than are participants who read the scenario that described the victim whose resistance level was lower. 30 4a) It is hypothesized that, after controlling for rape myth acceptance, participants who read a scenario in which the victim drank alcohol are more likely to blame the victim than are participants who read a scenario in which the victim did not drink alcohol. 4b) It is hypothesized that, after controlling for rape myth acceptance, participants who read a scenario in which the victim wore a short and revealing dress are more likely to blame the victim than are participants who read a scenario in which the victim wore a modest dress. 4c) It is hypothesized that, after controlling for rape myth acceptance, participants who read a scenario in which the victim displayed a lower level of resistance are more likely to blame the victim than are participants who read a scenario in which the victim displayed a higher level of resistance. 5a) It is hypothesized that, after controlling for rape myth acceptance, participants who read a scenario in which the victim did not drink alcohol are more likely to blame the perpetrator than are participants who read a scenario in which the victim drank alcohol. 5b) It is hypothesized that, after controlling for rape myth acceptance, participants who read a scenario in which the victim wore a modest dress are more likely to blame the perpetrator than are participants who read a scenario in which the victim wore a short and revealing dress. 5c) It is hypothesized that, after controlling for rape myth acceptance, participants who read a scenario in which the victim displayed a higher level of resistance are more likely to blame the perpetrator than are participants who read a scenario in which the victim displayed a lower level of resistance. End of hypotheses. Note: Hypotheses 1c, 2c, and 3c pertain to advisement of disclosure to a mental health professional. The predictions for these hypotheses differ from predictions about advisement of disclosure to a close friend, family member, and reporting to the police. Given the literature about victim blame, it was believed that participants would be more likely to advise disclosing to a mental health professional when the victim wore a short dress, drank alcohol, and did not resist, because research participants might believe that the victim ?asked for it,? and therefore should seek help from a mental health professional to change her behaviors. 31 IV. Method Participants Participants were recruited using the social networking site (www.Facebook.com). The researcher posted a link on her Facebook page which stated: ?You are invited to participate in a research study because you are at least 19 years old and you have a Facebook account. Please do not participate more than one time. The purpose of this study is to better understand how certain information about a person or situation influences advice-giving. This study is being conducted by Courtney Clippert, a graduate student, in the Auburn University Department of Special Education, Rehabilitation, and Counseling.? Participants were also asked to ?share? this link on their own Facebook page so that their Facebook friends could also access the link. After conducting a power analysis using G*Power software (Erdfelder, Faul, & Buchner, 1996), it was determined that the sample needed to consist of 120 participants in order to achieve 80% power for finding a medium effect size (0.5) when using an alpha level of .05. There were 149 participants. The study sought to achieve a representative sample of the general population based upon gender, ethnicity, and educational background, according to data provided by the U.S. Census Bureau (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010a, 2010b). The minimum age of participants was 19 and the maximum age was 50. The mean age of participants was 26 (SD=7.9). See Table 1 for demographic characteristics of participants, as well as comparisons between the sample and the U.S. population. 32 Table 1 Demographic Characteristics of the Sample Variable Sample n = 149 % United States % Gender Female 107 71.8 50.8 Male 41 27.5 42.9 Transgender 1 .7 Race and Ethnicity Caucasian 130 87.2 72.4 African American 9 5 12.6 Latino(a) 3 2 16.3 Asian 2 1.3 4.8 Multi-ethnic 2 1.3 2.9 Other 3 2 Sexual Orientation Heterosexual 140 94 Bi-sexual 4 2.7 Lesbian 2 1.3 Gay 1 .7 Other 2 1.3 Highest Level of Education Completed Post bachelor?s experience 52 34.9 10.2 Bachelor?s degree 42 28.2 40.6 Associate?s degree 16 10.7 Some college experience 29 19.5 High school graduate 10 6.7 33 Of the participating sample, 83 (55.7%) indicated that they knew someone, including themselves, who had been sexually assaulted, 47 (31.5%) responded that they did not know someone, including themselves, who had been sexually assaulted, and 19 (12.8%) indicated that they were unsure if they knew of someone who had been sexually assaulted. Design The study used a 2x2x3 between-subjects design. There were three independent variables for this study which included the following: type of dress worn, consumption of alcohol, and degree of resistance. The type of dress worn had two levels: revealing short dress and modest long dress. Consumption of alcohol had two levels: no alcohol consumed and alcohol consumed. Degree of resistance had three levels: no resistance (neither pushed him nor said ?no?), moderate resistance (pushed him one time), and high resistance (pushed him several times and said ?no?). This study had six dependent variables which included the following: 1. The likelihood participants indicated they would advise disclosing the sexual assault to a close friend; 2. The likelihood participants indicated they would advise disclosing the sexual assault to a family member; 3. The likelihood participants indicated they would advise disclosing the sexual assault to a mental health professional; 4. The likelihood participants indicated they would advise reporting the sexual assault to the police; 5. The degree of blame the participant placed on the victim; 6. The degree of blame the participant placed on the perpetrator. Measures Demographics. (Appendix B) Participants completed a demographics survey that included information about each participant?s age, gender, school classification, sexual orientation, and whether or not they knew someone, including themselves, who had been sexually assaulted. 34 Advising scale. (Appendix D) Likelihood of advising was assessed by a 7-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (I would definitely not recommend she disclose/report) to 7 (I would definitely recommend she disclose/report). Separate scales were used for close friend, family member, mental health professional, and police. Victim blame. (Appendix E) Victim blame was assessed by using a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (not at all blameworthy) to 5 (completely to blame). Researchers have used a 5- point Likert scale to assess victim blame (Hart, Ellis, & Paul, 2007). Perpetrator blame. (Appendix F) Perpetrator blame was assessed by using a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (not at all blameworthy) to 5 (completely to blame). Researchers have used a 5-point Likert scale to assess perpetrator blame (Hart, Ellis, & Paul, 2007) Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale-Short Form. (Appendix G) Participants completed the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale-Short Form (IRMA-SF). The IRMA-SF measures rape myth acceptance based upon a 20-item scale, which is divided into the following seven subscales: 1. She Asked for It; 2. It Wasn't Really Rape; 3. He Didn't Mean To; 4. She Wanted It; 5. She Lied; 6. Rape Is a Trivial Event; and 7. Rape Is a Deviant Event (Payne et al.,1999). The researchers created the IRMA-SF to allow brief assessment for the general factor of rape myth acceptance; the total score was used for this study. The scale has demonstrated good overall scale reliability (.93), and subscale reliability (.74 to .84) (Payne et al., 1999). The IRMA-SF has also demonstrated predictive validity when examining the association between men?s sexual aggression and rape proclivity (Stephens & George, 2009). The IRMA-SF scale has been used in ways including the following: pre- and post-test measure for rape prevention programs (Baynard, Moynihan, & Plante, 2007; Foubert & Newberry, 2006); examine the relationship between rape myth acceptance and other factors such as bystander attitudes 35 (McMahon, 2010), sexism, racism, homophobia, ageism, classism, and religious intolerance (Aosved & Long, 2006). Development of Scenarios (See Appendix C for scenarios) The researcher created an underlying story in which there is nonconsensual intercourse (rape). Using the underlying story, 12 different scenarios were constructed in which three variables (use of alcohol, type of dress, and degree of victim resistance) were manipulated. The researcher created the scenarios after reviewing existing literature and consulting with her doctoral advisor. Additionally, the researcher asked a few Ph.D. graduates, and personal friends who are graduate and undergraduate students for informal feedback about the scenarios. In the first draft of the basic scenario, the story indicated that John raped Sally. After receiving informal feedback, it was determined that ?nonconsensual intercourse? should be used instead of ?rape.? This judgment was based on the conclusion that using ?rape? could prime participants to answer the questions in a particular way (i.e., automatically blame John), whereas the researcher wanted the participants to form their own opinions about the situation. Based on the literature review, three victim-blaming factors (as noted above) were selected for study. After reviewing the literature about the use of alcohol and rape vignettes, it was clear that researchers have typically examined alcohol versus no alcohol used, as opposed to sober versus intoxicated (Richardson & Campbell, 1982; Scronce & Corcoran, 1995; Simms, Noel, Maistro, 2007). Thus, in the present study, use versus non-use of alcohol was studied (as opposed to degree of intoxication). Workman and Orr (1996) manipulated three levels of skirt- length (short, moderate, and long). In the present study, the dress was categorized by either a short and revealing dress or a modest, long-sleeved dress that clearly went below her knees. Simms, Noel, and Maistro (2007) used two levels of resistance (high and low) in their scenarios; 36 for this study, in addition to no resistance and high level of resistance, moderate level of resistance was also examined. Order Effects Each participant was administered the demographic sheet first. In order to reduce the chance of order effects, the dependent variables, other than the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Short Scale-Short Form, were randomized. The scenarios were randomized as well. The Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale-Short Form was administered last, as taking this survey first might have influenced participants? responses afterward. Procedure The researcher obtained approval from the Institutional Review Board. All participant data was collected electronically. As previously mentioned, a link was embedded into the researcher?s Facebook page. Participants who had a Facebook account clicked on the link, in order to participate in the study, which directed them to Auburn University?s Qualtrics page. First, participants read a short description of the study which served as an informed consent form (Appendix A). If they agreed to participate, they proceeded to the next screen. Next, they completed the demographic section. Then, participants were randomly assigned to one of twelve scenarios, each describing the events and facts surrounding a rape. After the participants read the scenario, they were asked a series of questions including: how likely they would be to advise the protagonist to disclose the incident to a close friend, family member, mental health professional, or the police and how likely they were to assign blame to John and Sally. The order in which the previous six questions about disclosure (one for close friend, family member, mental health professional and police) and blame (one for Sally and one for John) were 37 administered was randomized. Finally, participants completed the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale. Statistical Analysis A 2x2x3 multivariate analysis of covariance (MANCOVA) was used to test each hypothesis in this study. The independent variables were: type of dress worn, consumption of alcohol, and degree of resistance. There were two categories (disclosure and blame) of dependent variables and six dependent variables including: the likelihood participants indicated they would advise disclosing the sexual assault to a close friend; the likelihood participants indicated they would advise disclosing the sexual assault to a family member; the likelihood participants indicated they would advise disclosing the sexual assault to a mental health professional; the likelihood participants indicated they would advise reporting the sexual assault to the police; the degree of blame the participant assigned to the victim; and the degree of blame the participant assigned to the perpetrator. The hypotheses were tested while controlling for rape myth acceptance, as measured by the total score on the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale, which was used as a covariate. 38 V. Results Between-Subjects MANCOVA Preliminary Analyses Due to the fact that rape myth acceptance was controlled for in this study, gender was not controlled for, given the strong correlation between rape myth acceptance and gender. Many researchers have examined this relationship, and have found that men, when compared to women, are more accepting of rape myths (Ashton, 1982; Blumberg & Lester, 1991; Ellis et al., 1992; Reilly, Lott et al., 1992). However, independent-samples t-test were conducted to compare men and women on the scores for the six dependent variables. Results indicated that there was not a statistically significant difference between men and women regarding likelihood of advising the victim to disclose to a close friend, t(146) = -1.380, p = .076. When compared to men, women were more likely to indicate that they would recommend that the victim disclose to a family member, t(146) = -3.637, p< .001, more likely to indicate that they would advise the victim to disclose to a mental health professional, t(146) = -2.208, p = .002, and more likely to indicate that they would advise the victim to report the incident to the police, t(145) = -2.912. p< .001. Women were more likely to blame John than Sally, t(145) = -2.802, p< .001, whereas men were more likely to blame Sally than John, t(145) = 3.355, p< .001. Given the statistically significant differences, five analysis of covariance (ANCOVAs) were conducted to determine whether gender differences would disappear after controlling for rape myth acceptance. After controlling for rape myth acceptance, no statistically significant gender differences were found, p-values ranged from .132 to .971 p = .055. 39 Preliminary MANCOVA results Linearity between the DVs and covariate was first calculated using Pearson correlation coefficients. Each of the six correlation coefficients were significant (p<.001) (see Table 1). Homogeneity of variance-covariance was tested within a preliminary multivariate analysis. Box?s Test (see Table 2) revealed that equal variances could not be assumed F(147, 9881) = 1.94, p <.001; therefore, Pillai?s Trace was used for the multivariate statistic. Table 2 Pearson Correlation Coefficients for the Covariate and Dependent Variables Covariate Friend Family MHP Police Blame John Blame Sally Covariate X Friend -.394** X Family -.562** .355** X MHP -.380** .401** .349** X Police -.483** .312** .440** .481** X Blame John -.573** .322** .503** .532** .582** X Blame Sally .580** -.348** -.367** -.429** -.552** -.579** X Covariate = rape myth acceptance; MHP = mental health professional; ** = p<.01 Table 3 Box?s Test of Equality of Covariance Box?s M df 1 df 2 F P 365.47 147 9881.26 1.94 <.001 Multivariate analysis of covariance (MANCOVA) was conducted to determine the effect of consumption of alcohol, type of dress worn, and degree of resistance on the likelihood that the victim will be advised to disclose to a family member, friend, mental health professional, and/or 40 report to the police, while controlling for rape myth acceptance. Also, a MANCOVA was conducted to examine the degree of blame assigned to the victim and perpetrator while controlling for rape myth acceptance. Pillai?s Trace criteria indicated that there were non- significant between-group differences in likelihood of advisement of disclosure, based upon each scenario. Pillai?s Trace = .560, F(66, 690) = 1.25, p>.001, partial eta2 = .093. See Table 4 for the overall mean values for each scenario. 41 Table 4 Overall Mean Values for Each Scenario Scenario n Friend Family MHP Police Blame John Blame Sally M (SD) M (SD) M (SD) M (SD) M (SD) M (SD) A1 12 5.17 (1.93) 5.92 (1.93) 5.33 (2.31) 6.08 (1.73) 4.50 (1.00) 1.25 (.45) B2 15 5.00 (1.51) 6.87 (.35) 5.73 (1.39) 6.47 (.99) 5.00 (.00) 1.27 (.70) C3 14 5.43 (1.51) 6.50 (1.35) 5.36 (1.34) 6.21 (.89) 4.57 (.76) 1.79 (.80) D4 14 4.36 (2.10) 6.43 (.76) 5.79 (1.58) 5.43 (1.56) 4.38 (.87) 1.57 (.94) E5 11 5.82 (.87) 6.55 (1.51) 6.09 (1.22) 6.45 (1.30) 4.91 (.30) 1.09 (.30) F6 9 6.33 (.87) 7.00 (.00) 6.44 (.53) 6.44 (1.13) 4.33 (.71) 1.67 (.87) G7 8 6.00 (2.14) 6.63 (.52) 5.38 (2.07) 6.50 (1.07) 4.63 (.74) 1.50 (1.07) H8 14 5.64 (1.28) 6.64 (1.08) 5.50 (1.56) 5.79 (2.01) 4.64 (.84) 1.71 (1.28) I9 15 4.73 (1.75) 5.73 (2.19) 4.80 (1.97) 5.47 (2.03) 4.33 (1.05) 1.67 (1.11) J10 11 5.55 (1.44) 6.82 (.60) 6.09 (1.04) 6.10 (1.85) 4.73 (.47) 1.27 (.47) K11 14 4.79 (1.72) 6.79 (.43) 5.71 (1.14) 6.71 (.611) 4.71 (.47) 1.77 (1.10) L12 12 5.00 (2.52) 5.33 (2.57) 5.00 (1.95) 5.50 (1.93) 4.00 (1.28) 2.50 (1.17) Total 149 5.42 (1.73) 6.42 (1.41) 5.57 (1.59) 6.07 (1.52) 4.57 (.80) 1.59 (.95) MHP = mental health professional; 1 = modest dress, no alcohol, high resistance; 2 = modest dress, no alcohol, moderate resistance; 3 = modest dress, no alcohol, no resistance; 4 = modest dress, alcohol consumed, high resistance; 5 = modest dress, alcohol consumed, moderate dress; 6 = modest dress, alcohol consumed, no resistance; 7 = short dress, no alcohol, high resistance; 8 = short dress, no alcohol, moderate resistance; 9 = short dress, no alcohol, no resistance, 10 = short dress, alcohol consumed, high resistance; 11 = short dress, alcohol consumed, moderate resistance; 12 = short dress, alcohol consumed, no resistance Note: for disclosure to friend, family, MPH, and police the following anchor points were used: 1 (I would probably recommend that she not disclose the incident), 2 (I would probably recommend that she not disclose the incident), 3 (I would be more likely than not to recommend that she not disclose the incident), 4 (Uncertain), 5 (I would be more likely than not to recommend that she disclose the incident), 6 (I would probably recommend that she disclose the incident), and 7 (I would definitely recommend that she disclose the incident). For blame John and blame Sally, the following anchor points were used: 1 (Not at all blameworthy), 2 (A little blameworthy), 3 (Uncertain), 4 (A lot blameworthy), and 5 (Completely blameworthy) 42 Effects of Dress, Alcohol, and Level of Resistance on Disclosure and Blame Tables 4-6 report the overall means for each level of dress, alcohol, and resistance, respectively. Two 2x2x3 MANCOVAs were conducted in order to examine the effects of dress, alcohol, and resistance on likelihood of advising to disclose and on degree of blame assigned perpetrator and victim. Table 5 Overall Means for Each Level of Dress Dress 1 2 M (SD) M (SD) Friend 5.27 (1.65) 5.22 (1.82) Family 6.53 (1.19) 6.30 (1.60) Mental Health Professional 5.75 (1.51) 5.39 (1.65) Police 6.16 (1.31) 5.97 (1.72) Blame John 4.64 (.71) 4.50 (.88) Blame Sally 1.44 (.74) 1.75 (1.10) 1 = modest; 2 = short and revealing ; Note: for disclosure to friend, family, MPH, and police the following anchor points were used: 1 (I would probably recommend that she not disclose the incident), 2 (I would probably recommend that she not disclose the incident), 3 (I would be more likely than not to recommend that she not disclose the incident), 4 (Uncertain), 5 (I would be more likely than not to recommend that she disclose the incident), 6 (I would probably recommend that she disclose the incident), and 7 (I would definitely recommend that she disclose the incident). For blame John and blame Sally, the following anchor points were used: 1 (Not at all blameworthy), 2 (A little blameworthy), 3 (Uncertain), 4 (A lot blameworthy), and 5 (Completely blameworthy) 43 Table 6 Overall Means for Each Level of Alcohol Alcohol 1 2 M (SD) M (SD) Friend 5.27 (1.66) 5.21 (1.81) Family 6.37 (1.46) 6.46 (1.36) Mental Health Professional 5.35 (1.74) 5.82 (1.38) Police 6.05 (1.55) 6.09 (1.49) Blame John 4.62 (.81) 4.51 (.79) Blame Sally 1.54 (.94) 1.66 (.96) 1 = no alcohol consumed; 2 = alcohol consumed; Note: for disclosure to friend, family, MPH, and police the following anchor points were used: 1 (I would probably recommend that she not disclose the incident), 2 (I would probably recommend that she not disclose the incident), 3 (I would be more likely than not to recommend that she not disclose the incident), 4 (Uncertain), 5 (I would be more likely than not to recommend that she disclose the incident), 6 (I would probably recommend that she disclose the incident), and 7 (I would definitely recommend that she disclose the incident). For blame John and blame Sally, the following anchor points were used: 1 (Not at all blameworthy), 2 (A little blameworthy), 3 (Uncertain), 4 (A lot blameworthy), and 5 (Completely blameworthy) Table 7 Overall Means for Each Level of Resistance Resistance 1 2 3 M (SD) M (SD) M (SD) Friend 5.16 (1.95) 5.28 (1.43) 5.28 (1.83) Family 6.42 (1.16) 6.72 (.90) 6.08 (1.93) Mental Health Professional 5.67 (1.76) 5.74 (1.32) 5.30 (1.68) Police 5.95 (1.60) 6.35 (1.33) 5.86 (1.61) Blame John 4.55 (.79) 4.81 (.52) 4.32 (.98) Blame Sally 1.40 (.75) 1.47 (.95) 1.90 (1.04) 1 = high; 2 = moderate; 3 = no resistance; Note: for disclosure to friend, family, MPH, and police the following anchor points were used: 1 (I would probably recommend that she not disclose the incident), 2 (I would probably recommend that she not disclose the incident), 3 (I would be more likely than not to recommend that she not disclose the incident), 4 (Uncertain), 5 (I would be more likely than not to recommend that she disclose the incident), 6 (I would probably recommend that she disclose the incident), and 7 (I would definitely recommend that she disclose the incident). For blame John and blame Sally, the following anchor points were used: 1 (Not at all blameworthy), 2 (A little blameworthy), 3 (Uncertain), 4 (A lot blameworthy), and 5 (Completely blameworthy) 44 In order to test Hypotheses 1a-d, 2a-2d, and 3a-3d, one MANCOVA examined the effects of the three independent variables on the four dependent variables measuring likelihood of advising disclosure to various people. The results (see Table 7) were non-significant. Thus, none of Hypotheses 1a-1d, 2a-2d, or 3a-3d were supported. In order to test Hypotheses 4a-5c, the second MANCOVA examined the effects of the three independent variables on the two dependent variables assessing blame, one for the victim and one for the perpetrator. The results (see Table 7) for Hypotheses 4a, 4b, 5a, and 5b were non-significant and were not supported. However, the results (see Table 7) for Hypotheses 4c and 5c were statistically significant and were supported. Table 8 2x2x3 Multivariate Results Multivariate Results Advise to Disclose Observed Power Blame Observed Power Variable/Effect Wilks? Lambda Wilks? Lambda Covariate Dress (A) .612*** .986 1 .160 .577*** .983 1 .252 Alcohol (B) .967 .343 .983 .244 Resistance (C) .961 .305 .868** .956 Dress X Alcohol (AB Interaction) .980 .215 .985 .225 AC .934 .526 .960 .426 BC .927 .586 .971 .310 ABC .953 .372 .985 .168 ** p<.01 ***p<.001 Follow-up Analysis of the Effect of Resistance on Blame As previously mentioned, results did indicate that there was a significant multivariate effect for resistance on assigned blame (see Table 7). A follow-up analysis was conducted in order to examine the effect of resistance on assigned blame. There was a significant effect of 45 resistance on the amount of blame attributed to John, F(2, 145) = 5.266, p<.05. Similarly, there was a significant effect of resistance on the amount of blame attributed to Sally, F(2, 145) = 4.174, p<.05. Given that resistance has three levels, two follow-up one-way ANOVAs were conducted in order to ascertain how the levels of resistance differ pertaining to blaming John and Sally (see Table 8). More specifically, Bonferroni post-hoc comparisons indicated John was blamed significantly more in the moderate level of resistance condition, when compared to the no resistance condition (p = .004). There was not a significant difference between the moderate and high resistance condition (p = .272) and the high and no resistance condition (p = .49). Bonferonni post-hoc comparisons indicated that Sally was blamed significantly more in the no resistance condition, when compared to the high resistance condition (p = .029). There was not a significant difference between the moderate and no resistance condition (p = 1.00) and the moderate and high resistance condition (p = .061). Table 9 Bonferonni Post-Hoc Analyses No resistance Moderate resistance High resistance F p Post-hoc findings M (SD) M (SD) M (SD) Blame John 4.32 (.98) 4.81 (.52) 4.55 (.79) 5.266 .004 Moderate > No Blame Sally 1.90 (1.04) 1.47 (.95) 1.40 (.75) 4.174 .029 No > High Additional Analyses While the multivariate tests were used to examine the effects of dress, alcohol, and resistance, they did not directly examine differences among the sources (friend, family, mental health professional, police) to which Sally was advised to disclose to and whether Sally or John should be blamed. Therefore, two mixed analysis of covariance (ANCOVAs) were used to determine whether there were differences as to who the participants would advise Sally to 46 disclose or report to, after controlling for rape myth acceptance, independent of the scenarios (e.g., type of dress worn, consumption of alcohol, degree of resistance). Also, the researcher wanted to ascertain whether the amount of blame assigned by the participants to John and Sally differed, after controlling for rape myth acceptance, independent of the scenarios. Within-Subject Effects of Dress, Alcohol, and Level of Resistance on Disclosure There was a significant main effect for rape myth acceptance (covariate), F(1, 135) = 70.18, p <.001. See Table 9 for the correlations among RMA and all dependent variables regarding likelihood of advising disclosure. Each of these correlations were statistically significant. As rape myth scores increased, the advisement of disclosure to a close friend, family member, mental health professional, and reporting to the police decreased. All other correlations were positive. Table 10 Pearson Correlation Coefficients: Disclosure and Rape Myth Acceptance RMA Friend Family MHP Police RMA X Friend -.394** X Family -.562** .355** X MHP -.308** .401** .349** X Police -.483** .312** .440** .481** X **p<.01; RMA = rape myth acceptance; MHP: mental health professional There was not an interaction effect between advisement of disclosure and rape myth acceptance, F(3, 405) = .713, p = .55. Results indicated that there was a significant 12 x (4) ANCOVA within group effect for the advisement of disclosing to a family member, mental 47 health professional, or friend and reporting to the police F(3, 133) = 4.403, p = .005 (see Table 10). There was a difference in the extent that participants recommend disclosure to the four sources; however, this does not depend upon scenario. Table 11 12 x (4) Mixed ANCOVA Results Source df MS F p Effect Size Partial eta2 Between Subjects Group/Scenario (A) 11 3.043 .903 .539 .069 Myths/Covariate (C) 1 236.375 70.178 <.001 .342 Error 135 3.368 Within Subjects Report_Who (B) 3 6.68 4.403 .005 .032 Report_Who X Covariate (BC) 3 1.082 .713 .545 .005 Report_Who X Group (AB) 33 1.41 .929 .583 .070 Error 405 1.517 Bonferroni follow-up comparisons (see Table 11) indicated that participants were significantly more likely to recommend that Sally disclose the incident to a mental health professional, when compared to a friend (p<.001) and family member (p<.001). The comparison between mental health professional and reporting to the police was not significant (p =.075). Also, results indicated that participants were significantly more likely to recommend that Sally report the incident to the police, when compared to disclosing to a friend (p<.001) and family member (p<.05). 48 Table 12 Pairwise Comparisons Report to: Mean (SD) Mean Differences 1 2 3 4 1. Friend 5.323 X -1.10*** -.265 -.765*** 2. Mental Health Professional 6.423 X .835*** .335 3. Family 5.588 X -.500** 4. Police 6.088 X *p<.05, **p< .01, ***p<.001 Within-Subject Effects of Dress, Alcohol, and Level of Resistance on Blame The main effect for rape myth acceptance was not significant, F(1, 134) = .798, p = .37 (see Table 13). However, rape myths had a moderating effect on the assignment of blame, which was significant, F(1, 134) = 98.21, p <.001 (see Table 13). The rape myth scores related differently to the blame assigned to John (M = 4.57, SD = .80) and to Sally (M = 1.59, SD = .95). The effects of rape myth acceptance depend on who is being blamed. See Table 12 for the blame and rape myth acceptance correlations all of which were statistically significant. As rape myth acceptance scores increased (higher rape myth acceptance), less blame was attributed to John and more blame was attributed to Sally. Table 13 Pearson Correlation Coefficients: Blame and Rape Myth Acceptance RMA RMA X Blame John -.573** Blame Sally .580** **p<.01; RMA = rape myth acceptance 49 Results indicated that there was a significant 12 x (2) mixed ANCOVA within group effect for the amount of blame assigned to John and Sally (see Table 13). Table 14 12 x (2) Mixed ANCOVA Blame Source df MS F P Effect Size Partial eta2 Between Subjects Group/Scenario (A) 11 .396 1.254 .258 .093 Myths/Covariate (C) 1 .252 .798 .373 .006 Error 134 Within Subjects Blame (B) 1 225.724 353.007 <.001 .725 Blame X Covariate (BC) 1 62.798 98.209 <.001 .423 Blame X Group (AB) 11 1.423 2.225 .016 .154 Error 134 Specifically, results suggested that participants placed more blame on John than on Sally, regardless of scenario, F(1,134) = 353.007, p<.001 (see Figure 1). However, there was a significant interaction between blame and scenarios, F(11, 134) = 2.225, p = .016. 50 A = modest dress, no alcohol, high resistance; B = modest dress, no alcohol, moderate resistance; C = modest dress, no alcohol, no resistance; D = modest dress, alcohol consumed, high resistance; E = modest dress, alcohol consumed, moderate dress; F = modest dress, alcohol consumed, no resistance; G = short dress, no alcohol, high resistance; H = short dress, no alcohol, moderate resistance; I = short dress, no alcohol, no resistance, J = short dress, alcohol consumed, high resistance; K = short dress, alcohol consumed, moderate resistance; L = short dress, alcohol consumed, no resistance Figure 1. Assignment of Blame by Group. Specifically, John was blamed the most (Scenario B) in the condition when Sally wore a modest dress, did not consume alcohol and had a moderate level of resistance. Conversely, John was blamed the least (Scenario F) when Sally wore a modest dress, consumed alcohol, and did not resist. Sally was blamed the most (Scenario L) when she wore a revealing dress, consumed alcohol, and did not resist. Conversely, Sally was blamed the least (Scenario A) when she wore a modest dress, did not consume alcohol, and had a high level of resistance. Summary of Results In summary, results of this study found that, after controlling for rape myth acceptance, victim characteristics in scenarios did not impact the likelihood of advisement of disclosure to a close friend, family member, mental health professional, or the police. Results indicated that there was a significant effect for resistance on assigned blame. John was blamed significantly 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 A B C D E F G H I J K L Me an Group*Blame John Sally 51 more when there was a moderate level of resistance than lower resistance. Sally was blamed significantly more when there was no resistance than a higher level of resistance. Additional analyses found that participants were more likely to recommend that the victim disclose to a mental health professional than a close friend or family member. Also, participants were more likely to recommend that the victim report to a police officer than a close friend or family member. Overall means suggest that John was blamed more than Sally in each of the scenarios. 52 VI. Discussion As outlined previously, the purpose of this study was to determine whether the consumption of alcohol, type of dress worn, and degree of resistance will influence whether or not people will advise the rape victim to disclose her sexual assault to a close friend, family member, mental health professional, or report the rape to the police. In addition, the study sought to determine whether blame was assigned to the perpetrator as a function of alcohol consumption, dress, and degree of resistance and whether blame was assigned to the victim as a function of these variables. Hypotheses As mentioned in Chapter IV, the results of the study did not support Hypotheses 1a-1d, 2a-2d, and 3a-3d. There were no statistically significant differences regarding the likelihood of disclosing to a close friend, family member, mental health professional, or reporting to the police between those participants who read scenarios that described the victim who drank alcohol versus the victim who did not drink alcohol, wore a short dress versus a modest dress, and had a higher level of resistance versus lower level of resistance. It is somewhat difficult discussing these results in terms of the current literature, given that there is limited research in this area of disclosure and advisement of disclosure. However, existing literature has examined the relationship between rape myth acceptance (RMA) and reporting to the police. This study controlled for RMA and also included other disclosure sources. In general, researchers found that individuals with high RMA were less likely to suggest that victims report the rape to the police (Frese, Moya, & Megias, 2004; Krahe, 1988). Perhaps the results would have been similar in this study if RMA was not used as a covariate and used as an independent variable instead. 53 It is important to note that there was a significant effect for RMA (covariate) on disclosure. Further, 39% of the variance was explained by RMA. It appears that RMA accounted for so much of the variance that the manipulations (dress, alcohol, resistance) were too weak to have an effect. Additionally, people could have strong ideas or opinions (one way or the other) about providing advice. It is a possibility that those ideas about providing advice had more influence on their responses, as opposed to victim characteristics. Perhaps participants believed that they needed to recommend disclosure regardless of the victim characteristics. The overall disclosure mean values (based upon a 7-point scale; 1= I would definitely not recommend that she disclose the incident, 7= I would definitely recommend that she disclose the incident) included the following: disclose to friend (M= 5.42), family member (M= 6.42), mental health professional (M= 5.57) and police (M= 6.07). The mean values suggest that participants were likely to recommend disclosure to each of the sources. As previously mentioned, Hypothesis 4a was not supported. There were no statistically significant differences regarding the amount of victim blame assigned by those participants who read the scenario when the victim drank alcohol, when compared to those participants who read the scenario when the victim did not drink alcohol. This finding in the current study is not consistent with the literature. The literature supports the notion that when alcohol is involved, the victim is often blamed (Adam-Curtis & Forbes, 2004; Richardson & Campbell, 1982; Simms et al., 2007). Similarly, Hypothesis 4b was not supported. There were no statistically significant differences regarding the amount of victim blame assigned by those participants who read the scenario when the victim wore a short and revealing dress versus a modest dress. Though asking 54 different research questions, Workman and Orr (1996) found that when the woman was wearing the short skirt, compared to the other two lengths (moderate and long), she was portrayed as wanting to have sex more and enticed the perpetrator. Given these results, it seemed as if the victim would have been blamed more when wearing a short and revealing dress, as opposed to a modest dress. However, this was not the case in the current study. Furthermore, the current findings are not consistent with the fact that women who wear revealing clothes are often blamed for the sexual assault, though it has not been shown that wearing revealing clothing increases the chances that one will be sexually assaulted (Moor, 2010). Conversely, Hypothesis 4c was supported. Participants were more likely to blame the victim when she had a lower level of resistance, than when the victim displayed a higher level of resistance. The results of this study are consistent with the literature that victims are more likely to be blamed when the victim does not resist (Ong & Ward, 1999). Perhaps there is some societal uncertainty as to whether or not a sexual assault occurred if the victim did not resist. It appears that there is an implicit message being sent to victims of sexual assault who did not resist that they are to blame. Also, it seems that people might not consider factors that could contribute to reasons victims do not resist. Specifically, the victim might believe that resisting could make the perpetrator angry, something which might result in more severe injuries. Hypothesis 5a was not supported. There were no statistically significant differences regarding the amount of perpetrator blame assigned by those participants who read the scenario when the victim drank alcohol, compared to blame assigned by participants who did not drink alcohol. Again, this is not consistent with the literature that has found that more blame is assigned to perpetrators when the victim did not drink alcohol (Adam-Curtis & Forbes, 2004; Richardson & Campbell, 1982; Simms et al., 2007). Similarly, Hypothesis 5b was not 55 supported. There were no statistically significant differences between perpetrator blame assigned by those participants who read the scenario when the victim wore a short and revealing dress versus participants who read about a victim who wore a modest dress. This is not consistent with the literature, given that more blame was found to be assigned when victims wore a short skirt (Workman & Orr, 1996). Therefore, it seemed as if the perpetrator would have been blamed more when the victim was not wearing a short dress versus when she was. The results of this study did not support Hypothesis 5c. There were no statistically significant differences regarding the amount of perpetrator blame assigned by those participants who read the scenario when the victim had a lower level of resistance versus those participants who read the scenario when the victim displayed a higher level of resistance. However, participants placed statistically more blame on the perpetrator when the victim displayed a moderate level of resistance, than when she displayed a lower level of resistance. It was somewhat surprising that a significant difference occurred between the moderate and lower resistance condition, as opposed to the high and lower resistance condition. It is difficult to speculate about the finding, as participants were not asked questions about why they responded the way they did. Rape myth acceptance was also correlated significantly with blame. Approximately 42% of the variance was explained by RMA. Much like the previous discussion about RMA and disclosure, it seems that RMA accounted for too much of the variance and two of the manipulations (dress, alcohol) were not able to have an effect. However, unlike disclosure, resistance was able to have an effect on the assignment of blame for both John and Sally. Perhaps this occurred because people have opinions about whether or not a sexual assault occurred if the victim did not resist. For example, it could have been that, if the victim did not 56 resist, perhaps it was not seen by participants as a sexual assault. On the other hand, it could have been that people recognized that it was a sexual assault, but given that she did not resist, she was to blame. Given that RMA accounted for a significant amount of variance for both disclosure and assignment of blame, there needs to be continued effort in designing presentations, workshops, etc. that educate people about RMA and how RMA perpetuates rape culture. Rape myths focus on victims? behaviors that are seen as leading to their own victimization, which again supports rape culture. As previously discussed, research supports the assumption that higher levels of RMA are associated with victim blame. Thus, rape myths serve to justify the perpetrator?s actions (Lambert & Raichle, 2000; Mynatt & Allgeier, 1990). Though presumably there are not many people who would explicitly say ?it is okay to sexually assault someone,? by believing in rape myths, thinking that the victim ?asked for it,? etc., it is arguable that this is what they are implying. Summary of findings. After controlling for RMA, the majority of the hypotheses were not supported. Victim characteristics in scenarios did not impact the likelihood of advisement of disclosure to a close friend, family member, dress, alcohol, resistance and the likelihood of advisement of disclosure. One of the hypotheses was supported. Sally was blamed significantly more when there was no resistance than when there was a higher level of resistance. Though there was not a hypothesis that predicted blame as a function of moderate level of resistance versus lower level of resistance, John was blamed significantly more when there was a moderate level of resistance than when there was lower resistance. Rape myth acceptance was significantly correlated with both disclosure and assignment of blame. It seems that the manipulations were not able to have a strong impact on the dependent variables due to the effect 57 size of the covariate. As previously mentioned, it could also be that people have strong opinions about giving advice, especially given the sensitive nature of an incident such as sexual assault. Additional Analyses Disclosure. Additional analyses discovered that, regardless of scenario, participants were significantly more likely to recommend that the victim disclose the incident to a mental health professional that to a close friend or family member; whereas, there was no difference between recommending the victim disclose to a mental health professional, when compared to reporting to the police. Overall, participants were statistically less likely to advise the victim to disclose to a close friend, when compared to a mental health professional and reporting to the police. It is important to note that the overall effect size was very small. Though there was statistical significance, it might not necessarily mean there is clinical significance. However, these results are somewhat surprising, given the existing literature which suggests that people are most likely to disclose to a friend, as opposed to a mental health professional or the police (Fisher et al., 2003; Pitts & Schwartz, 1993). One explanation for these results could be that participants assumed that the victim should talk to someone who is more qualified than a friend in order to receive the help needed. Though mental health professionals and police officers have different qualifications, presumably people in these professions have had education, trainings, workshops, etc. in order to help victims of crimes such as sexual assault. Additionally, the mean age for this study was 26 (SD =7.9) years old. The aforementioned studies recruited college students for the study; perhaps traditional-age college students (age 18-23) are more likely to recommend disclosing to a friend, whereas, those who are older recommend disclosing to a mental health professional or the police. Also of important note, a large percentage of the sample had a bachelor?s degree and post-bachelor?s experience. There is a possibility that, much 58 like the researcher, participants are themselves in the mental health profession, or have knowledge about mental health issues. Though research has not examined likelihood of recommended disclosure, it has examined to whom victims disclose. Studies have demonstrated that most people will disclose their victimization to a friend (Fisher et al., 2003; Pitts & Schwartz, 1993); however, only a small percentage of people tend to disclose their experience to a family member, or health or social work professionals or counselors who provide medical or mental health care (Dunn et al., 1999; Fisher et al., 2003; Golding et al., 1989). It was surprising that, in this study, participants advised the person to disclose to a mental health professional more than to a friend. It is important to note that this study asked people to read a scenario and then speculate about what advice they would give, if they encountered such a situation, whereas the literature has more typically examined what people actually do and to whom they disclose. It is difficult to ascertain what might happen if this were an actual situation, as opposed to a hypothetical situation. Hopefully, participants might have assumed the negative impact on the victims? mental health after she was sexually assaulted and thought that providing advice to her to seek help from a mental health professional would be beneficial. Additionally, participants were significantly more likely to recommend that the victim report the incident to the police, when compared to disclosing to a friend. Perhaps participants recognized that sexual assault is a crime and should be reported, regardless of victim characteristics. Also, participants could have thought that the perpetrator might sexually assault other people as well and they wanted to try to reduce that chance by having the victim report the crime to the police. 59 In general, the research about others? help-seeking advice to people who have been sexually assaulted is limited. Yamawaki (2007) found that attitudes toward mental health professionals influenced advising behavior to seek help from a mental health professional. Japanese participants, when compared to American participants, were less likely to advise the rape victim to seek help from a mental health professional. Also, Japanese participants were more likely to recommend that the victim disclose to a family member than were American participants whereas American participants were more likely to advise the victim to seek help from the police than a family member. Yamawaki (2007) examined cultural differences, whereas the current study did not, so it is somewhat difficult to generalize results from that study to results from this study. However, the results seem to be consistent given that participants in this study were more likely to recommend that the victim disclose to a mental health professional and to the police. Blame. Overall, based on the mean values for each of the 12 scenarios, the perpetrator was always blamed more than the victim. However, the victim was blamed significantly more when she displayed a lower level of resistance than when she displayed a higher level of resistance. Also, the perpetrator was blamed significantly more when the victim displayed a higher level of resistance versus a lower level of resistance. Additionally, there was an interaction effect between scenarios and assignment of blame. Though it is encouraging that the mean values indicated that the perpetrator was always blamed more, it is discouraging that there were varying levels of perpetrator blame based upon victim blaming characteristics. The mean values indicated that the perpetrator was blamed the most in the condition when the victim wore a modest dress, did not consume alcohol and had a moderate level of resistance. In contrast, the mean values indicated that the perpetrator was blamed the least when the victim wore a modest 60 dress, consumed alcohol, and had a lower level of resistance. These mean values somewhat conflict, both with each other and to some extent with the literature, and are difficult to interpret. Based upon mean values, the victim was blamed the most when she wore a revealing dress, consumed alcohol, and had a lower level of resistance. This finding was consistent with previous literature; however, mean values were used in this study to examine when the victim was blamed the most, while statistical tests were used in previous studies. Based upon mean values, the victim was blamed the least when she wore a modest dress, did not consume alcohol, and had a higher level of resistance. These results are also consistent with the literature, showing that victim characteristics and behavior do influence degree of blame (Simms et al., 2007; Richardson & Campbell, 1982; Wild et al., 1998). Given that the victim was blamed the most in the scenario when she wore a short dress, consumed alcohol, and had a lower level of resistance, the results do seem to infer that the victim was held responsible for the sexual assault. Limitations One limitation of this study is the generalizability of the results based on the demographics of the sample. Specifically, the data were collected exclusively via the Internet. As a result, those who did not have access to the Internet were not included in this sample. Moreover, given that Facebook was used to recruit participants for the study, those who did not have a Facebook account were not included in the sample, thus minimizing the external validity of the findings. Also, the link to the study was originally posted on the researcher?s Facebook page and only the researcher?s ?Facebook friends? were able to view the study. Thirty-two of the researcher?s Facebook friends shared the link on their own page, and all of their Facebook friends had access to the study as well. A more heterogeneous sample may have been achieved if additional Internet websites were used to collect data. 61 It is important to note that the demographics of the sample may have impacted the results and serve as a significant limitation of the study. Overall, the sample consisted of primarily Caucasian, heterosexual, educated women. For example, 28.2% and 34.9% of participants had a bachelor?s degree and post bachelors experience, respectively. Given that the researcher is in the mental health field, there is a strong possibility that there were many participants who are also in the mental health field, or at least are knowledgeable about mental health issues. Moreover, 55.7% of the participants indicated that they knew someone who had been sexually assaulted. Also, people may have decided not to participate in the study given the sensitivity of the topic of the study. As a result, these factors contributed to decreased generalizability of the results. The methodology of this study has a limitation that may have contributed to non- significant results. The study used a between-subjects design, though additional analyses examined within-subjects effects. There may not have been enough power and using a completely within-subjects design would have increased the power. Recommendations for Future Research It is recommended that future studies should try to recruit a more heterogeneous sample (e.g., participants with greater variability in educational background) in order to obtain higher variability among participants. Additionally, future studies should include a qualitative component to ascertain reasons for particular disclosure recommendations. For example, it is unknown why any given participant recommended that the victim disclose to a mental health professional. It could be that the participants believe the victim should seek treatment given the traumatic nature of a sexual assault. Conversely, it could be because participants believe that the victim ?put herself in the situation? and should seek treatment to examine her behavior that may have led to the sexual assault. By believing that victims put themselves in the situation, it is 62 presumed that people would also believe that the victim is responsible for the sexual assault. These assumptions perpetuate victim blaming. Also, it is recommended that future studies should examine whether reasons for resistance impacts assignment of blame. For example, one group could read paragraph that provides reasons why a victim did not resist while the other group did not read the paragraph. Then, all participants would be given a scenario where resistance is manipulated and determine if there is an effect on the assignment of blame. This study was only a starting point in examining how victim-blaming characteristics influence people?s advice to victims of sexual assault pertaining to whom they should disclose the sexual assault. It is important to conduct studies that shed light on people?s or is it peoples? advice-giving to victims of sexual assault, particularly given that the literature suggests that victims tend to disclose to peers (Fisher et al., 2003; Pitts & Schwartz, 1993). It is also important to stimulate thinking about how people might respond when others disclose they were sexually assaulted, because poor advice-giving could have a detrimental impact on the victims and dissuade them from seeking help elsewhere. 63 References Adam-Curtis, L., & Forbes, G. (2004). College women?s experiences of sexual coercion: A review of cultural, perpetrator, victim, and situational variables. Trauma, Violence, & Abuse, 5, 91-122. doi: 10.1177/1524838003262331 Ahrens, C. E. (2006). Being silenced: the impact of negative social reactions on the disclosure of rape. Community Psychology, 38, 263-274. doi: 10.1007/s10464-006-9069-9 Ahrens, C. E., Campbell, R., Ternier-Thames, N. K., Wasco, S. M., & Sefl, T. (2007). Deciding whom to tell: Expectations and outcomes of rape survivors? first disclosures. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 31, 38-49. doi: 10.1111/j.1471-6402.2007.00329 Allison, J. A., & Wrightsman, L. S. (1993). Rape, the misunderstood crime. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Ashton, N. L. (1982). Validation of rape myth acceptance scale. Psychological Reports, 50, 252. doi: 10.2466/pr0.1982.50.1.252 Aosved, A. C., & Long, P. J. (2006). Co-occurrence of rape myth acceptance, sexism, racism, homophobia, ageism, classism, and religious intolerance. Sex Roles, 55, 481-492. doi: 10.1007/s11199-006-9101-4 Bachman, R. (1993). Predicting the reporting of rape victimizations: Have reforms made a difference? Criminal Justice Behavior, 20, 254-270. doi: 10.1177/0093854893020003003 Bachman, R. (1998). The factors related to rape reporting behavior and arrest: New evidence from the National Crime Victimization Survey. Criminal Justice Behavior, 25, 8-29. doi: 10.1177/0093854898025001002 Basile, K. C. (2002). Attitudes toward wife rape: Effects of social background and victim status. Violence and Victims, 17, 341-354. doi: 10.11891/vivi.17.3.341.33659 Baynard, V. L., Moynihan, M. M., & Plante, E. G. (2007). Sexual violence prevention through bystander education: An experimental evaluation. Journal of Community Psychology, 35, 463-481. doi: 10.1002/jcop.20159 Bell, S. T., Kuriloff, P. J., & Lottes, I. (1994). Understanding attributions of blame in stranger rape and date rape situations: An examination of gender, race, identification, and students? social perceptions of rape victims. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 14, 1719-1734. doi: 10.1111/j.1559-1816.1994.tb01571.x Biaggio, M. K., Brownell, A., & Watts, D. L. (1991). Reporting and seeking support by victims of sexual offenses. Journal of Offender Rehabilitation, 17, 33-42. doi: 10.1300/J076v17n01_03 64 Blumberg, M. L., & Lester, D. (1991). High school and college students? attitudes toward rape. Adolescence, 26, 727-729. Bohner, G., Reinhard, M., Rutz, S., Sturm, S., Kerschbaum, B., & Effler, D. (1998). Rape myths as neutralizing cognitions: Evidence for causal impact of anti-victim attitudes on men?s self-reported likelihood of raping. European Journal of Social Psychology, 28, 257-268. doi: 10.1002/(SICI)1099-0992(199803/04)28:2<257::AID-EJSP871>3.0.CO;2-1 Borja, S. E., Callahan, J. L., & Long, P. (2006). Positive and negative adjustment and social support of sexual assault survivors. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 19, 905-914. doi: 0.1002/jts.20169 Bourdreaux, E., Kilpatrick, D. G., Resnick, H. S., Best, C. L., & Saunders, B. E. (1998). Criminal victimization, posttraumatic stress disorder, and comorbid psychopathology among a community sample of women. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 11, 665-678. doi: 10.1023/A:1024437215004 Brinson, S. L. (1992). The use and opposition of rape myths in primetime television dramas. Sex Roles, 27, 359-375. doi: 10.1007/BF00289945 Brownmiller, S. (1975). Against our will: Men, women and rape. New York: Ballantine Books. Buddie, A. M., & Miller, G. (2001). Beyond rape myths: A more complex view of perceptions of rape victims. Sex Roles, 45, 139-160. doi: 10.1023/A:1013575209803 Burt, M.R. (1980). Cultural myths and supports for rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 38, 217-230. doi: 10.1037/0022-3514.38.2.217 Burt, M. R. (1991). Rape myths and acquaintance rape. In A. Parrot & L. Bechhofer (Eds.), Acquaintance rape: The hidden crime (pp. 26-40). New York: John Wiley & Sons. Calhoun, L. G., Selby, J. W., & Warring, L. J. (1976). Social perception of the victim?s casual role in rape: An exploratory examination of four factors. Human Relations, 29, 517-526. doi: 10.1177/001872677602900602 Campbell, R., Ahrens, C. E., Sefl, T., Wasco, S. M., Barnes, H. E., & Zaragoza-Diesfeld, Y. (1999). Community services for rape survivors: Enhancing psychological well-being or increasing trauma? Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 67, 847-858. doi: 10.1037/0022-006X.67.6.847 Campbell, R., & Raja, S. (1999). Secondary victimization of rape victims: Insights from mental health professionals who treat survivors of violence. Violence and Victims, 14(3), 261- 275. 65 Campbell, R., Wasco, S. M., Ahrens, C. E., Sefl, T., & Barnes, H. E. (2001). Preventing the ?second rape?: Rape survivors? experiences with community service providers. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 16, 1239-1259. doi: 10.1177/088626001016012002 Carmondy, D. C., & Washington, L. M. (2001). Rape myth acceptance among college women: The impact of race and prior victimization. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 16, 424- 436. doi: 10.1177/088620001016005003 Clay-Warner, J., & Burt, C. H. (2005). Rape reporting after reforms: Have times really changed? Violence Against Women, 11, 150-176. doi: 10.1177/1077801204271566 Davis, R. C., Brickman, E. R., & Baker, T. (1991). Effects of supportive and unsupportive responses of others to rape victims: Effects on concurrent victim adjustment. American Journal of Community Psychology, 19, 443-451. doi: 10.1007/BF00938035 Donnerstein, E., & Berkowitz, L. (1981). Victim reactions in aggressive erotic films as a factor in violence against women. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 41, 710-724. doi: 10.1037/0022-3514.41.4.710 Dukes, R. L., & Mattley, C. L. (1977). Predicting rape victim reportage. Sociology and Social Research, 62, 63-84. doi: 10.1177/0093854893020003003 Dull, R. T., & Giacopassi, D. J. (1987). Demographic correlates of sexual and dating attitudes: A study of date rape. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 14, 175-193. doi: 10.1177/0093854887014002004 Du Mont, J., Miller, K., & Myhr, T. (2003). The role of ?real rape? and ?real victim? stereotypes in the police reporting practices of sexually assaulted women. Violence Against Women, 9, 466-486. doi: 10.1177/1077801202250960 Dunn, P. C., Vail-Smith, K., & Knight, S. M. (1999). What date/acquaintance rape victims tell others: A study of college recipients of disclosure. Journal of American College Health, 47, 213-222. doi:10.1080/07448489909595650 Ellis, A. L., O?Sullivan, C. S., & Sowards, B. A. (1992). The impact of contemplated exposure to a survivor of rape on attitudes toward rape. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 22, 889-895. doi: 10.1111/j.1559-1816.1992.tb00931.x Epstein, J., & Lagenbahn, S. (1994). The Criminal Justice System and community response to rape. Issues and practices in criminal justice series, National Institute of Justice. Washington, DC: US Department of Justice. Eyssel, F., & Bohner, G. (2011). Schema effects of rape myth acceptance on judgments of guilt and blame in rape cases: The role of perceived entitlement to judge. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 26, 1579-1605. doi: 10.1177/0886260510370593 66 Federal Bureau of Investigation (2011) ?Uniform Crime Reports.? Online at http://www.fbi.gov/about-us/cjis/ucr/crime-in-the-u.s/2011/crime-in-the-u.s.- 2011/violent-crime/forcible-rape. Accessed on March 1, 2013. Feldman-Summers, S., & Ashworth, C. D. (1981). Factors related to intentions to report a rape. Journal of Social Issues, 37, 53-70. doi: 10.1111/j.1540-4560.1981.tb01070.x Felson, R. B., Messner, S. F., & Hoskin, A. H. (1999) The victim-offender relationship and calling the police in assaults. Criminology, 37, 931-947. doi: 10.1111/j.1745- 9125.1999.tb00510.x Field, H. S., & Bienen, L. B. (1980). Jurors and rape. Lexington, KY: D. C. Health. Filipas, H. H., & Ullman, S. E. (2001). Social reactions to sexual assault victims from various support services. Violence and Victims, 16(6), 673-692. Finkleson, L., & Oswalt, R. (1995). College date rape: Incidence and reporting. Psychological Reports, 77, 526. doi: 10.2466/pr0.1995.77.2.526 Fisher, G. J. (1987). Hispanic and majority student attitudes toward forcible date rape as a function of differences in attitudes toward women. Sex Roles, 17, 93-101. doi: 10.1007/BF00287902 Fisher, B.S., Cullen, F.T., & Turner, M.G. (1999). Extent and Nature of the Sexual Victimization of College Women: A National-Level Analysis. National Institute of Justice, 1-2. Fisher, B.S., Cullen, F.T., & Turner, M.G. (2000). The sexual victimization of college women. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice. Fisher, B. S., Daigle, L. E., Cullen, F. T., & Turner, M. G. (2003). Reporting sexual victimization to the police and others: Results from a national-level study of college women. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 30, 6-38. doi: 10.1177/0093854802239161 Fisher, B. S., Sloan, J. J., Cullen, F. T., & Lu, C. (1998). Crime in the ivory tower: The level and sources of student victimization. Criminology, 36, 671-710. doi: 10.1111/j.1745- 9125.1998.tb01262.x Fiske, S. T., & Taylor, S. E. (1991). Social cognition. New York: McGraw-Hill. Foubert, J. D., & Newberry, J. T. (2006). Effects of two versions of an empathy-based rape prevention program on fraternity men?s rape survivor empathy, rape myth acceptance, likelihood of raping, and likelihood of committing sexual assault. Journal of College Student Development, 47(2), 133-148. 67 Franiuk, R., Seefelt, J. L., Cepress, S. L., & Vandello, J. A. (2008a). Prevalence of rape myths in headlines and their effects on attitudes toward rape. Sex Roles, 58, 790-801. doi: 10.1007/s11199-007-9372-4 Frazier, P. A. (1990). Victim attributions and post-rape trauma. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 59, 298-3 04. doi: 10.1037/0022-3514.59.2.298 Frazier, P. A., & Burnett, J. W. (1994). Immediate coping strategies among rape victims. Journal of Counseling & Development, 72, 671-710. doi: 10.1002/j.1556-6676.1994.tb01694.x Frazier, P. A., Mortensen, H., & Steward, J. (2005). Coping strategies as mediators of the relations among perceived control and distress in sexual assault survivors. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 52, 267-278. doi: 10.1037/0022-0167.52.3.267 Frazier, P. A., & Schauben, L. (1994). Causal attributions and recovery from rape and other stressful life events. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology, 13, 1-14. doi: 10.1521/jscp.1994.13.1.1 Frese, B., Moya, M., & Megias, J. L. (2004). Social perception of rape: How rape myth acceptance modulates the influence of situational factors. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 19, 143-161. doi: 10.1177/0886260503260245 Frohmann, L. (1991). Discrediting victims? allegations of sexual assault: Prosecutorial accounts of case rejections. Social Problems, 38, 213-226. Furnham, A. (2003). Belief in a just world: Research progress over the past decade. Personality and Individual Differences, 34, 795-817. doi: 10.2224/sbp.1994.22.3.267 Gartner, R., & Macmillan, R. (1995). The effect of victim-offender relationship on reporting crimes of violence against women. Canadian Journal of Criminology, 37, 393-429. Gerger, H., Kley, H., Bohner, G., & Siebler, F. (2007). The acceptance of modern myths about sexual aggression (AMMSA) scale: Development and validation in German and English. Aggressive Behavior, 33, 422-440. doi: 10.1002/ab.20195 Giacopassi, D. J., & Dull, R. T. (1986). Gender and racial differences in the acceptance of rape myths within a college population. Sexual Roles, 15, 63-75. doi: 10.1007/BF00287532 Gilmore, K., & Pittman, L. (1993). To report or not to report: A student of victims/survivors of sexual assault and their experience of making an initial report to the police. Melbourne, AUS: Centre Against Sexual Assault (CASA House) and Royal Women?s Hospital. Golding, J. M., Siegel, J., Sorenson, S. B., Burnam, M. A., & Stein, J. A. (1989). Social support sources following sexual assault. Journal of Community Psychology, 17, 92-107. doi: 10.1002/1520-6629(198901)17:1<92::AID-JCOP2290170110>3.0.CO;2-E 68 Gregory, J., & Lee, S. (1999). Policing sexual assault. London: Routledge. Greenberg, M.A., Wortman, C. B., & Stone, A.A. (1996). Emotional expression and physical health: Revisiting traumatic memories or fostering self-regulation? Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 71(3), 588-602. Grubb, A., & Turner, E. (2012). Attribution of blame in rape cases: A review of the impact of rape myth acceptance, gender role conformity, and substance use on victim blaming. Aggression and Violent Behavior, 17, 443-452. doi: 10.1016/j.avb.2012.06.002 Gylys, J. A., & McNamara, R. (1996). Acceptance of rape myths among prosecuting attorneys. Psychological Reports, 79, 15-18. doi: 10.2466/pr0.1996.79.1.15 Hart, K. J., Ellis, R. B., & Paul, J. (2007). Who?s to blame?: Criminal justice and victim services students? assignments of criminal responsibility by gender. Quarterly Journal of Ideology, 30, 1-18. Heider, F. (1958). The psychology of interpersonal relations. New York: Wiley. I Need Feminism Because?[Picture blog]. Retrieved from http://www.tumblr.com Kessler, R. C., Demloer, O., Frank, R. G., Olfson, M., Pincus, H. A., Walters, E. E., et al. (2005). Prevalence and treatment of mental disorders, 1990 to 2003. New England Journal of Medicine, 352, 2515-2523. doi: 10.1056/NEJMsa043266 Kilpatrick, D., Resnick, H., Ruggiero, K., Conoscenti, L., & McCauley, J. (2007) Drug- facilitated, incapacitated, and forcible rape: A national study. Final report submitted to the National Institute of Justice, NCJ 219181. Koss, M. P., Dinero, T. E., Seibel, C. A., & Cox, S. L. (1988). Stranger and acquaintance rape: Are there differences in the victim?s experience? Psychology of Women Quarterly, 12, 1- 24. doi: 10.1111/j.1471-6402.1988.tb00924.x Koss, M. P., Gidycz, C. A., & Wisniewsi, N. (1987). The scope of rape: Incidence and prevalence of sexual aggression and victimization in a national sample of higher education students. Journal of Counseling and Clinical Psychology, 55, 162-170. Krahe, B., (1988). Victim and observer characteristics as determinants of responsibility attributions to victims of rape. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 18, 50-58. doi: 10.1111/j.1559-1816.1988.tb00004.x Krahe, B., Temkin, J., Bieneck, S., & Berger, A. (2008). Prospective lawyers? rape stereotypes and schematic decision making about rape cases. Psychology, Crime and Law, 14, 461- 479. doi:10.1080/10683160801932380 69 LaFree, G. D., Reskin, B. F., & Visher, C. A. (1985). Juror?s responses to victims? behavior and legal issues in sexual assault trials. Social Problems, 32, 389-407. doi: 10.1525/sp.1985.32.4.03a00070. Lambert, A. J., & Raichle, K. (2000). The role of political ideology in mediating judgment of blame in rape victims and their assailants: A test of the just world, personal responsibility and legitimization hypothesis. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 26, 853-863. doi: 10.1177/0146167200269010 Lerner, M. J. (1980). The belief in a just world: A fundamental delusion. New York: Plenam. Lerner, M. J., & Matthews, G. (1967). Reactions to suffering of others under conditions of indirect responsibility. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 5(3), 319-325. doi: 10.1037/h0024304 Loh, C., Gidyez, C. A., Lobo, T. R., & Luthra, R. (2005). A prospective analysis of sexual assault perpetration: Risk factors related to perpetrator characteristics. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 20, 1325-1348. doi: 10.1177/088626050278528 Lonsway, K.A., & Fitzgerald, L. F. (1994). Rape myths: In review. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 18, 133-164. doi: 10.1111/j.1471-6402.1994.tb00448.x Lonsway, K. A., & Fitzgerald, L. F. (1995). Attitudinal antecedents of rape myth acceptance: A theoretical and empirical reexamination. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 65(4), 704-711. doi: 10.1037/0022-3514.68.4.704 McKay, A., Fisher, W., Maticka-Tyndale, E., & Barrett, M. (2001). Adolescent sexual health education: Does it work? Can it work better? An analysis of recent research and media reports. Canadian Journal of Human Sexuality, 10, 127-135. McMahon, S. (2010). Rape myth beliefs and bystander attitudes among incoming college students. Journal of American College Health, 59, 3-11. doi: 10.1080/07448481.2010.483715 Millar, G., Stermac, L., & Addison, M. (2002). Immediate and delayed treatment seeking among adult sexual assault victims. Women and Health, 35, 53-64. doi: 10.1300/J013v35n0104 Monson, C. M., Byrd, G. R., & Langhinrichsen-Rohling, J. (1996). To have and to hold: Perceptions of marital rape. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 11, 410-424. doi: 10.1177/088626096011003007 Moor, A. (2010). She dresses to attract, he perceives seduction: A gender gap in attribution of intent to women?s revealing style of dress and it?s relation to blaming the victims of sexual violence. Journal of International Women?s Studies, 11, 115-127. 70 Muehlenhard, C. L. (1988). ?Nice women? don?t say yes and ?real men? don?t say no: How miscommunication and the double standard can cause sexual problems. Women and Therapy, 7, 95-108. doi:10.1300/J015v07n02_08 Mynatt, C. R., & Allgeier, E. R. (1990). Risk factors, self attributions, and adjustment problems among victims of sexual coercion. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 20, 130-153. doi: 10.1111/j.1559-1816.1990.tb00403.x National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey Fact Sheet. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, (2010). Accessed 25 October 2012, . Norris, J., & Cubbins, L. A. (1992). Dating, drinking and rape: Effects of victim and assailant?s alcohol consumption on judgments of their behavior and traits. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 16, 179-191. doi: 10.1111/j.1471-6402.1992.tb00248.x Norris, F. H., Kaniasty, K. Z., & Scheer, D. A. (1990). Use of mental health services among victims of crime: Frequency, correlates, and subsequent recovery. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 58, 538-547. doi: 10.1037/0022-006X.58.5.538 Ong, A. S. J., & Ward, C. A. (1999). The effects of sex and power schemas, attitudes toward women, and victim resistance on rape attributions. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 29, 362-376. doi: 10.1111/j.1559-1816.1999.tb01391.x Opel, J. (2013, March 17). Ohio teenagers guilty in rape that social media brought to light. The New York Times. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Page, A. D. (2008). Judging women and defining crime: Police officers? attitudes toward women and rape. Sociological Spectrum, 28, 389-411. doi: 10.1080/02732170802053621 Payne, D., Lonsway, K., & Fitzgerald, L. (1999). Rape myth acceptance: Exploration of its structure and its measurement using the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale. Journal of Research in Personality, 33(1), 27-68. doi:10.1006/jrpe.1998.2238 Pitts, V. L., & Schwartz, M. D. (1993). Promoting s elf-blame in hidden rape cases. Humanity and Society, 17, 383-398. Pino, N. W. & Meier, R. F. (1999) Gender Differences in Rape Reporting. Sex Roles, 40(11), 979-990. Pollard, P. (1992). Judgments about victims and attackers in depicted rapes: A review. British Journal of Social Psychology, 31, 307-326, doi: 10.1111/j.2044-8309 Reese, D. (2013, March 27). ?A message of respect? video responds to Steubenville rape and goes viral. The Washington Post. Retrieved from www.washingtonpost.com 71 Reilly, M. E., Lott, B., Caldwell, D., & DeLuca, L. (1992). Tolerance for sexual harassment related to self-reported sexual victimization. Gender & Society, 6, 122-138. doi: 10.1177/089124392006001008 Resick, P. A. (1993). The psychological impact of rape. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 8, 223-255. 10.1177/088626093008002005 Richardson, D., & Campbell, J. L. (1982). The effect of alcohol on attributions of blame for rape. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 8, 468-476. doi: 10.1177/0146167282083013 Rothbaum, B. O., Foa, E. B., Riggs, D. S., Murdock, T., & Walsh, W. (1992). A prospective examination of posttraumatic stress disorder in rape victims. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 5, 455-475. doi: 10.1007/BF00977239 Rotter, J. (1996). Generalized expectancies for internal vs. external control of reinforcement. Psychological Monograms, 80, 1-28. doi: 10.1037/h0092976 Ruback, R. B. (1994). Advice to crime victims: Effects of crime, victim, and advisor factors. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 21, 423-442. doi: 10.1177/0093854894021004003 Scronce, C. A., & Corcoran, K. J. (1995). Influence of the victim?s consumption of alcohol on perceptions of stranger and acquaintance rape. Violence Against Women, 1, 241-253. doi: 10.1177/1077801295001003004 Simms, C. M., Noel, N. E., & Maistro, S. A. (2007). Rape blame as a function of alcohol presence and resistant type. Addictive Behaviors, 32(12), 2766-2776. doi: 10.1016/j.addbeh.2007.04.013 Sloan, J. J., Fisher, B. S., & Cullen, F. T. (1997). Assessing the student right-to-know and Campus Security Act of 1990: An analysis of the victim reporting practices of college and university students. Crime and Delinquency, 43, 148-168. doi: 10.1177/0011128797043002002 Smith, S. G., & Cook, S. L. (2008). Disclosing sexual assault to parents: The influence of parental messages about sex. Violence Against Women, 14, 1326-1348. doi: 10.1177/1077801208325086 Starzynski, L. L., Ullman, S. E., Filipas, H. H., & Townsend, S. M. (2005). Correlates of women?s sexual assault disclosure to informal and formal support sources. Violence and Victims, 20(4), 417-432. Starzynski, L. L., Ullman, S. E., Townsend, S. M., Long, L. M., & Long, S. M. (2007). What factors predict women?s disclosure of sexual assault to mental health professionals? Journal of Community Psychology, 35, 619-638. doi: 10.1002/jcop.20168 72 Steward, D. N., & Jacquin, K. M. (2010). Juror perceptions in a rape trial: Examining the complainant?s ingestion of chemical substances prior to sexual assault. Journal of Aggression, Maltreatment & Trauma, 19, 853-874. doi: 10.1080/10926771.2011.522951 Sudderth, L. K. (1998). It?ll come right back at me: The interactional context of discussing rape with others. Violence Against Women, 4, 572-594. doi: 10.1177/1077801298004005004 Ullman, S. E. (1996a). Social reactions, coping strategies, and self-blame attributions in adjustment to sexual assault. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 20, 505-526. doi: 10.1111/j.1471-6402.1996.tb00319.x Ullman, S. E. (1996b). Correlates and consequences of adult sexual assault disclosure. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 11, 554-571. doi: 10.1177/088626096011004007 Ullman, S. E. (2000). Psychometric characteristics of the social reactions questionnaire: A measure of reactions to sexual assault victims. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 24, 257- 271. doi: 10.1111/j.1471-6402.2000.tb00208.x Ullman, S. E. & Brecklin, L. R. (2002). Sexual assault history, PTSD, and mental health service seeking in a national sample of women. Journal of Community Psychology, 30, 261-279. doi: 10.1002/jcop.10008 Ullman, S. E. & Filipas, H. H. (2001). Correlates of formal and informal support seeking in sexual assault victims. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 16, 1028-1047. doi: 10.1177/088626001016010004 Ullman, S. E., & Siegel, J. M. (1995). Sexual assault, social reactions and physical health. Women?s Health, 1(4), 289-308. Ullman, S. E., Starzynski, L. L., Long, S. M., Mason, G. E., & Long, L. M. (2008). Exploring the relationships of women?s sexual assault disclosure, social reactions and problem drinking. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 23, 1235-1257. doi: 10.1177/0886260508314298 United States Census Bureau (2010a). Profile of general population and housing characteristics :2010 Demographic profile data. Retrieved November 30, 2013, from http://census.gov. United States Census Bureau (2010b). Educational attainment: 2010 American community survey 1-year estimates. Retrieved November 30, 2013, from http://census.gov. United States Department of Education (2011). ?Dear Colleague Letter: Sexual Violence.? Online at . Accessed on August 24, 2012. 73 United States Department of Justice. Office of Justice Programs. National Institute of Justice (2005). Sexual assault on campus: What colleges and universities are doing about it by A.R. Gonzales, R.B. Schofield, and G.R. Schmitt. Washington DC: National Institute of Justice. United States Department of Justice. National Press Release (2012). Attorney General Eric Holder announces revisions to the Uniform Crime Report?s Definition of Rape. http://www.fbi.gov/news/pressrel/attorney-general-eric-holder-announces-revisions-to- the-uniform-crime-reports-definition-of-rape Wall, A., & Schuller, R. (2000). Sexual assault and defendant/victim intoxication: Jurors? perceptions of guilt. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 30, 253-274. doi: 10.1111/j.1559-1816.2000.tb02315.x Washington, P, A. (2001). Disclosure patterns of black female sexual assault survivors. Violence Against Women, 7, 1254-1283. doi: 10.1177/10778010122183856 Weis, K., & Borges, S. (1973). Victimology and rape: The case of the legitimate victim. Issues in Criminology, 8, 71-115. Wild, T. C., Graham, K., & Rehm, J. (1998). Blame and punishment for intoxicated aggression: When is the perpetrator culpable? Aggression and Violent Behavior, 1, 677-687. doi: 10.1046/j.1360-0443.1998.9356774.x Williams, L. (1984). The classic rape: when do victims report? Social Problems, 31, 459-467. doi: 10.1525/sp.1984.31.4.03a00070 Wolitzky-Taylor, K. B., Resnick, H.S., Amstader, A., McCauley, J., Ruggero, K. J., & Kilpatrick, D. G., (2011). Reporting rape in a national sample of college women. Journal of American College Health, 59, 582-587. doi: 10.1080/07448481.2010.515634 Wolitzky-Taylor, K. B., Resnick, H.S., McCauley, J., Amstader, A., Kilpatrick, D. G., Ruggiero, K. J., (2011). Is reporting of rape on the rise? A comparison of women with reported v. unreported rape experiences in the National Women?s Study-Replication. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 26, 807-832. doi: 10.1177/0886260510365869 Workman, J. E., & Orr, R. L. (1996). Clothing, sex of subject, and rape myth acceptance as factors affecting attributions about an incident of acquaintance rape. Clothing and Textiles Research Journal, 14, 276-284. doi: 10.1177/0887302X9601400407 Yamawaki, N. (2007). Differences between Japanese and American college students in giving advice about help seeking to rape victims. The Journal of Social Psychology, 147, 511- 530. doi: 10.3200/SOCP.147.5 74 Appendix A INFORMED CONSENT Participant Selection and Purpose: You are invited to participate in a research study because you are at least 19 years old and have a Facebook account. Please do not participate more than one time. The purpose of the study is to better understand how certain information about a person or situation influences advice-giving. This study is being conducted by Courtney Clippert, a graduate student, in the Auburn University Department of Special Education, Rehabilitation, and Counseling. Procedure and Duration: Your participation is voluntary, and you are free to discontinue your participation at any time without penalty. If you decide to participate in this research study, you will be asked to complete a short demographic form. You will then be asked to read a short scenario and answer six short questions. Then, you will be asked to complete another short survey. Collectively, these surveys and questions should take approximately 10 to 15 minutes to complete. Risks and Benefits: The risks to you for participating in this study are minimal; however, the risks associated with participating in this study are that you may feel slight discomfort as you imagine giving advice to someone who has told you she has been sexually assaulted. If you experience serious discomfort, you are encouraged to seek help at your local mental health center. Potential benefits to you may include insight into the views you hold. Also, as compensation for your time, at the end of the debriefing form you will be offered the opportunity to participate in a raffle to win one of five $10 gift cards for Amazon.com, which will be delivered to you electronically. If you chose to enter in the raffle, you will provide your e-mail address at the end of the survey. Your contact information will not be linked to your responses. If you decide to participate, you will not incur any costs. Anonymity and Presentation of Data: Any data obtained in connection with this study will remain anonymous. They surveys will not ask for your contact or identifying information. The results of the study may be published in scholarly journals and/or presented at a professional meeting. If you have any questions about the study, please contact the principle investigator, Courtney Clippert, at cac0038@auburn.edu. 75 If you have any questions about your rights as a research participant, please contact the Auburn University Office of Human Subjects Research or the Institutional Review Board at hsubjec@auburn.edu or IRBChair@auburn.edu, or by phone at (334)-844-5966. Thank you for taking the time to assist me in this research. By clicking on the link below, you acknowledge that you are at least 19 years of age and you are indicating you have read this information and give your consent to participate in this study. Remember, you may discontinue the study at any point without penalty. Also, you may print a copy to keep. The Auburn University Institutional Review Board has approved this document for use from May 16, 2013 to May 15, 2014. Protocol # 13-180 EP 1305 76 Appendix B DEMOGRAPHIC SURVEY Directions: Please answer the following questions. DO NOT include your name or any other identifying information. 1.Age: __________ 2.Gender: Male Female Transgender 3.Ethnicity: African American Asian Caucasian Latino(a) American Indian Pacific Islander Multi-Ethnic Other 4. Sexual Orientation: Heterosexual Gay Lesbian Bi-sexual Other 5.Education Level: Less Than High School Degree Associates Degree High School Graduate Bachelors Degree Some College Post Bachelors 6. Do you know someone, including yourself, who has been sexually assaulted? Yes No Unsure 77 Appendix C SCENARIOS When reading the scenario, imagine that you get along well with your roommate, but are more like acquaintances than close friends. Scenario #1 Dress: Modest Alcohol: No Resistance Level: High Your roommate, Sally, was going on a date with someone she met in a college class who she did not know all that well. Before Sally left on the date, she asked you how she looked. She was wearing a very modest, long-sleeved dress that clearly went below her knees. After Sally came back from her date, she indicated that she and John went back to John?s house to watch a movie. Sally said that neither of them drank any alcohol. When the movie was over, John forced himself on Sally. Sally told you that she said ?no,? and tried to push him off of her several times. Despite her protests, John went ahead and engaged in nonconsensual intercourse. When Sally came back to the room, you saw that she was upset, and she told you what happened. Scenario #2 Dress: Modest Alcohol: No Resistance Level: Moderate Your roommate, Sally, was going on a date with someone she met in a college class who she did not know all that well. Before Sally left on the date, she asked you how she looked. She was wearing a very modest, long-sleeved dress that clearly went below her knees. After Sally came back from her date, she indicated that she and John went back to John?s house to watch a movie. Sally said that neither of them drank any alcohol. When the movie was over, John forced himself on Sally. Sally told you that she tried to push him off of her one time. Despite her attempt to push him off, John went ahead and engaged in nonconsensual intercourse. When Sally came back to the room, you saw that she was upset, and she told you what happened. 78 Scenario #3 Dress: Modest Alcohol: No Resistance Level: No Resistance Your roommate, Sally, was going on a date with someone she met in a college class who she did not know all that well. Before Sally left on the date, she asked you how she looked. She was wearing a very modest, long-sleeved dress that clearly went below her knees. After Sally came back from her date, she indicated that she and John went back to John?s house to watch a movie. Sally said that neither of them drank any alcohol. When the movie was over, John forced himself on Sally. Sally told you that she was afraid and so she did not resist. John went ahead and engaged in nonconsensual intercourse. When Sally came back to the room, you saw that she was upset, and she told you what happened. Scenario #4 Dress: Modest Alcohol: Yes Resistance Level: High Your roommate, Sally, was going on a date with someone she met in a college class who she did not know all that well. Before Sally left on the date, she asked you how she looked. She was wearing a very modest, long-sleeved dress that clearly went below her knees. After Sally came back from her date, she indicated that she and John went back to John?s house to watch a movie. Sally said that they both drank alcohol. When the movie was over, John forced himself on Sally. Sally told you that she said ?no,? and tried to push him off of her several times. Despite her protests, he went ahead and engaged in nonconsensual intercourse. When Sally came back to the room, you could smell alcohol on her breath. You saw that she was upset, and she told you what happened. 79 Scenario #5 Dress: Modest Alcohol: Yes Resistance Level: Moderate Your roommate, Sally, was going on a date with someone she met in a college class who she did not know all that well. Before Sally left on the date, she asked you how she looked. She was wearing a very modest, long-sleeved dress that clearly went below her knees. After Sally came back from her date, she indicated that she and John went back to John?s house to watch a movie. Sally said that they both drank alcohol. When the movie was over, John forced himself on Sally. Sally told you that she tried to push him off of her one time. Despite her protests, he went ahead and engaged in nonconsensual intercourse. When Sally came back to the room, you could smell alcohol on her breath. You saw that she was upset, and she told you what happened. Scenario #6 Dress: Modest Alcohol: Yes Resistance Level: No Resistance Your roommate, Sally, was going on a date with someone she met in a college class who she did not know all that well. Before Sally left on the date, she asked you how she looked. She was wearing a very modest, long-sleeved dress that clearly went below her knees. After Sally came back from her date, she indicated that she and John went back to John?s house to watch a movie. Sally said that they both drank alcohol. When the movie was over, John forced himself on Sally. Sally indicated that she was afraid and so she did not resist. John went ahead and engaged in nonconsensual intercourse. When Sally came back to the room, you could smell alcohol on her breath. You saw that she was upset, and she told you what happened. 80 Scenario #7 Dress: Revealing Alcohol: No Resistance Level: High Your roommate, Sally, was going on a date with someone she met in a college class who she did not know all that well. Before Sally left on the date, she asked you how she looked. She was wearing a strapless dress that showed substantial cleavage and was very short. After Sally came back from her date, she indicated that she and John went back to John?s house to watch a movie. Sally said that neither of them drank any alcohol. When the movie was over, John forced himself on Sally. Sally told you that she said ?no,? and tried to push him off of her several times. Despite her protests, John went ahead and engaged in nonconsensual intercourse. When Sally came back to the room, you saw that she was upset, and she told you what happened. Scenario #8 Dress: Revealing Alcohol: No Resistance Level: Moderate Your roommate, Sally, was going on a date with someone she met in a college class who she did not know all that well. Before Sally left on the date, she asked you how she looked. She was wearing a strapless dress that showed substantial cleavage and was very short. After Sally came back from her date, she indicated that she and John went back to John?s house to watch a movie. Sally said that neither of them drank any alcohol. When the movie was over, John forced himself on Sally. Sally told you that she tried to push him off of her one time. Despite her protests, he went ahead and engaged in nonconsensual intercourse. When Sally came back to the room, you saw that she was upset, and she told you what happened. 81 Scenario #9 Dress: Revealing Alcohol: No Resistance Level: No Resistance Your roommate, Sally, was going on a date with someone she met in a college class who she did not know all that well. Before Sally left on the date, she asked you how she looked. She was wearing a strapless dress that showed substantial cleavage and was very short. After Sally came back from her date, she indicated that she and John went back to John?s house to watch a movie. Sally said that neither of them drank any alcohol. When the movie was over, John forced himself on Sally. Sally told you that she was afraid and so she did not resist. John went ahead and engaged in nonconsensual intercourse. When Sally came back to the room, you saw that she was upset, and she told you what happened. Scenario #10 Dress: Revealing Alcohol: Yes Resistance Level: High Your roommate, Sally, was going on a date with whom someone she met in a college class who she did not know all that well. Before Sally left on the date, she asked you how she looked. She was wearing a strapless dress that showed substantial cleavage and was very short. After Sally came back from her date, she indicated that she and John went back to John?s house to watch a movie. Sally said that, they both drank alcohol. When the movie was over, John forced himself on Sally. Sally told you that she said ?no,? and tried to push him off of her several times. Despite her protests, he went ahead and engaged in nonconsensual intercourse. When Sally came back to the room, you could smell alcohol on her breath. You saw that she was upset, and she told you what happened. 82 Scenario #11 Dress: Revealing Alcohol: Yes Resistance Level: Moderate Your roommate, Sally, was going on a date with someone she met in a college class who she did not know all that well. Before Sally left on the date, she asked you how she looked. She was wearing a strapless dress that showed substantial cleavage and was very short. After Sally came back from her date, she indicated that she and John went back to John?s house to watch a movie. Sally said that they both drank alcohol. When the movie was over, John forced himself on Sally. Sally told you that she tried to push him off of her one time. Despite her protests, he went ahead and engaged in nonconsensual intercourse. When Sally came back to the room, you could smell alcohol on her breath. You saw that she was upset, and she told you what happened. Scenario #12 Dress: Revealing Alcohol: Yes Resistance Level: No Resistance Your roommate, Sally, was going on a date with someone she met in a college class who she did not know all that well. Before Sally left on the date, she asked you how she looked. She was wearing a strapless dress that showed substantial cleavage and was very short. After Sally came back from her date, she indicated that she and John went back to John?s house to watch a movie. Sally said that they both drank alcohol. When the movie was over, John forced himself on Sally. Sally told you that she was afraid and so she did not resist. John went ahead and engaged in nonconsensual intercourse. When Sally came back to the room, you could smell alcohol on her breath. You saw that she was upset, and she told you what happened. 83 Appendix D DISCLOSURE Assume that after Sally tells you all of this, you are thinking about what advice to give her regarding whether she should tell others of the incident, and if so, who she should tell. Based upon this information, what is the likelihood that you would or would not advise your roommate to disclose or not disclose the incident to a close friend? 1.) I would definitely recommend to her that she not disclose the incident 2.) I would probably recommend that she not disclose the incident 3.) I would be more likely than not to recommend that she not disclose the incident 4.) Uncertain 5.) I would be more likely than not to recommend that she disclose the incident 6.) I would probably recommend that she disclose the incident 7.) I would definitely recommend that she disclose the incident Based upon this information, what is the likelihood that you would or would not advise your roommate to disclose or not disclose the incident to a family member? 1.) I would definitely recommend to her that she not disclose the incident 2.) I would probably recommend that she not disclose the incident 3.) I would be more likely than not to recommend that she not disclose the incident 4.) Uncertain 5.) I would be more likely than not to recommend that she disclose the incident 6.) I would probably recommend that she disclose the incident 7.) I would definitely recommend that she disclose the incident 84 Assume Sally is in psychotherapy. Based upon this information, what is the likelihood that you would or would not advise your roommate to disclose or not disclose the incident to a mental health professional? 1.) I would definitely recommend to her that she not disclose the incident 2.) I would probably recommend that she not disclose the incident 3.) I would be more likely than not to recommend that she not disclose the incident 4.) Uncertain 5.) I would be more likely than not to recommend that she disclose the incident 6.) I would probably recommend that she disclose the incident 7.) I would definitely recommend that she disclose the incident Based upon this information, what is the likelihood that you would or would not advise your roommate to report or not report the incident to a police officer? 1.) I would definitely recommend to her that she not report the incident 2.) I would probably recommend that she not report the incident 3.) I would be more likely than not to recommend that she not report the incident 4.) Uncertain 5.) I would be more likely than not to recommend that she report the incident 6.) I would probably recommend that she report the incident 7.) I would definitely recommend that she report the incident 85 Appendix E BLAME SALLY To what degree is Sally to blame for the incident? 1.) Not at all blameworthy 2.) A little blameworthy 3.) Uncertain 4.) A lot blameworthy 5.) Completely blameworthy 86 Appendix F BLAME JOHN To what degree is John to blame for the incident? 1.) Not at all blameworthy 2.) A little blameworthy 3.) Uncertain 4.) A lot blameworthy 5.) Completely blameworthy 87 Appendix G ILLINOIS RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE SCALE Note: Question 19 was omitted, as it asked about the age of consent in Illinois The Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (Payne et al., 1999) Strongly disagree Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly agree A woman who is raped while she is drunk is at least somewhat responsible. 1 2 3 4 5 Although most women wouldn't admit it, they generally like being physically forced to have sex. 1 2 3 4 5 If a woman is willing to "make out" with a guy, then it's no big deal if he goes a little further and has sex with her. 1 2 3 4 5 Many women secretly desire to be raped. 1 2 3 4 5 If a woman doesn't physically fight back, you can't really say that it was rape. 1 2 3 4 5 Men from nice middle-class homes almost never rape. 1 2 3 4 5 Rape accusations are often used as a way of getting back at men. 1 2 3 4 5 Usually, only women who dress sexy are raped. 1 2 3 4 5 If the rapist doesn't have a weapon, you really can't call it a rape. 1 2 3 4 5 Rape is unlikely to happen in a woman's own neighborhood. 1 2 3 4 5 Women tend to exaggerate how much rape affects them. 1 2 3 4 5 A lot of women lead a man on and then they cry rape. 1 2 3 4 5 A woman who "teases" men deserves anything that might happen. 1 2 3 4 5 When women are raped, it's often because the way they said "no" was unclear. 1 2 3 4 5 Men don't usually intend to force sex on a woman, but sometimes they get too sexually carried away. 1 2 3 4 5 A woman who dresses in skimpy clothes should not be surprised if a man tries to force her to have sex. 1 2 3 4 5 Rape happens when a man's sex drive gets out of control. 1 2 3 4 5 88 Most rape and sexual assaults are committed by strangers. 1 2 3 4 5 In Illinois, a 15 year-old can give consent to have sex. 1 2 3 4 5 If someone came to me and claimed that they were raped, my first reaction would be to not believe them. 1 2 3 4 5