BARGAIN THEATER: A DRAMATURGICAL ANALYSIS OF A FLEA MARKET 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Except where reference is made to the work of others, the work described in this thesis is 
my own or was done in collaboration with my advisory committee.  This thesis does not 
include proprietary or classified information. 
 
 
 
 
_________________________ 
Allison Kay Medlin 
 
 
 
 
Certificate of Approval: 
 
 
 
 
 
_________________________                     _________________________ 
Greg Kowalski                   Joseph Molnar, Chair 
Professor                        Professor 
Sociology                   Agricultural Economics and 
                                                                                          Rural Sociology 
 
 
_________________________          _________________________ 
Raj Mohan                               George T. Flowers 
Professor                    Interim Dean 
Sociology                   Graduate School   
     
 
              
BARGAIN THEATER: A DRAMATURGICAL ANALYSIS OF A FLEA MARKET 
 
 
 
 
 
Allison Kay Medlin 
 
 
 
 
 
A Thesis 
 
 
Submitted to 
 
 
the Graduate Faculty of 
 
 
Auburn University 
 
 
in Partial Fulfillment of the 
 
 
Requirements for the 
 
 
Degree of 
 
 
Master of Science 
 
 
 
 
Auburn, Alabama 
August 9, 2008
 iii
BARGAIN THEATER: A DRAMATURGICAL ANALYSIS OF A FLEA MARKET 
 
 
 
 
 
Allison Kay Medlin 
 
 
 
 
 
Permission is granted to Auburn University to make copies of this thesis at its discretion, 
upon request of individuals or institutions and at their expense.  The author reserves all 
publication rights. 
 
 
 
_________________________ 
                  Signature of Author 
 
 
 
 
_________________________ 
           Date of Graduation 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 iv
THESIS ABSTRACT 
 
BARGAIN THEATER: A DRAMATURGICAL ANALYSIS OF A FLEA MARKET 
 
 
Allison Kay Medlin 
 
 
Master of Science, August 9, 2008 
(B.A., Auburn University, 2004) 
 
 
112 Typed Pages 
 
 
Directed by Joseph Molnar 
 
 
 More than five thousand flea markets are conducted each year in the United States 
alone (Karch, Andriola and Berman 2002).  Of those five thousand plus, little is known of 
their visitors, their vendors, their management, their behind-the-scenes operations and 
other features of social and economic importance.  Flea markets are, therefore, an 
untapped resource of insight into human behavior of sociological significance.  Much can 
be learned of social interaction through the scope of the flea market setting, but little has 
been researched thus far.  For the purpose of this thesis, the Lee County Flea Market was 
observed and analyzed employing Erving Goffman?s Theory of Dramaturgy, a  
perspective that utilizes the metaphor of drama and theater to interpret human behavior in 
everyday life (Turner and Edgley 1976).  Through this dramaturgical analysis, this thesis 
 v
elicits: The types and functions of social interaction found in the flea market setting, in 
hopes of gaining new insight into patterns of social interaction of everyday life. 
 
 
 
 vi
Style manual or journal used: American Sociological Association 
 
 
 
 
Computer software used: Microsoft Word 2003 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 vii
TABLE OF CONTENTS 
 
I. INTRODUCTION???????????????????????1 
 
II. CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK AND CONTEXT FOR THE RESEARCH  
                  ??????????????????????????????.11 
       Part I: Previous Research on Flea Markets 
       Part II: Conceptual Models of Flea Market Processes 
 
III. METHODOLOGY??????????????????????..63 
 
IV. ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION????????????????...71 
       Part I: Observations of the Lee County Flea Market 
       Part II: Dramaturgical Applications to Flea Market Processes 
 
V. CONCLUSION???????????????????????...94 
 
REFERENCES??????????????????????????..103 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1
I. INTRODUCTION 
 
 The flea market phenomenon is as old as recorded history.  More or less a refined 
system of ancient trade and barter, for centuries merchandise has been bought and sold in 
communal marketplaces.  Produce and domestic stock were sold in the open-air markets 
of ancient Mesopotamian regions, early Greek and Roman artists sold their masterpieces 
in city squares (Copeland 1977), and during the Middle Ages towns all across Europe 
hosted weekly markets for the sale of secondhand goods (Karch, Andriola and Berman 
2002).  The actual term, flea market, however, did not emerge until the late 1800?s. 
 Signifying ?an organized group of merchants who [came] together for a day, a 
weekend, or a week to offer their goods to the public? (Karch et al. 2002: 8), the term flea 
market was coined as a result of the insect-ridden furniture, clothing and other 
merchandise of early Parisian marketplaces.  The world?s pioneer flea market, Saint-
Ouen Marche aux Puces, literally translated ?Market of Fleas,? located north of the great 
city wall of Paris, ?served as a place where ragpickers brought items to sell that they had 
either picked up off the streets or gleaned from their daily rummaging through trash cans 
in the city? (Miller 1988: 55). 
 Not much modified from its historical roots, the modern flea market may be 
defined as ?an occasion specially designated for the purpose of exchanging a wide variety 
of goods, from valuable antiques to backyard junk, from farm-fresh produce to 
handicrafts to brand-new, mass-produced merchandise? (House of Collectibles 1987: 1).
 2
The basic function, then, of any flea market, whether ancient or modern, is a forum for 
sellers to disburse their goods or services to buyers who are able to find a use for them 
(House of Collectibles 1987). 
The birth of the modern American flea market began in 1956 in the town of 
Salisbury, Connecticut (Copeland 1977).  It was here that original flea market 
entrepreneur, Russel Carrell, conceived the idea of bringing together antique dealers from 
across the country to sell their merchandise to a general audience from one centralized 
location (Copeland 1977).  Since Carrell?s pioneer market, ?more than five thousand flea 
markets are held each year in the United States? alone (Karch, Andriola and Berman 
2002: 9). 
From these humble beginnings, the modern American flea market is a ?bit of a 
mongrel, with its Old World mixed parentage combined with that peculiarly American 
flare for the entrepreneurial? (Werner 2002: 5).  Grown to proportions not even dreamed 
of by nineteenth-century marketers, mega-markets (such as the Rose Bowl Flea Market in 
Pasadena, California and the First Monday Trade Days in Canton, Texas) are still easily 
able to recall the days when such large, professionally-organized markets, attracting 
thousands of buyers a day, were nothing more than far-fetched and grandiose ideas 
(House of Collectibles 1987). 
 The growing popularity of flea markets, large and small, in both rural and urban 
regions, suggests that this mode of commerce has become a ?welcome and permanent 
part? (Werner 2002: 5), of American culture.  People from every walk of life, every age, 
class and ethnicity, ?have taken to flea market shopping with zeal, giving rise to a 
subculture of avid collectors who have turned ?going to the flea? into a national pastime? 
 3
(Tolley and Mead 1998: 10-11).  This new subculture views the flea market as an 
alternative to conventional shopping.  Instead of the traditional suburban mall, the flea 
market buyer has the option of a ?place where the individual buyer is on equal terms with 
the individual dealer, where no prices are fixed and the fun comes in finding just what 
you want and buying or selling it for a price that feels right? (Werner 2002: 6). 
Of this growing phenomenon, little is known of flea market visitors, vendors, 
management, behind-the-scenes operations and other aspects of social and economic 
importance.  Little is known of the flea market structure, societal influence and future 
prospects.  Flea markets are, therefore, an untapped resource of insight into human 
behavior of sociological significance.  Much can be learned of social interaction through 
the scope of the flea market setting, but little has been researched thus far.  Significant 
investigation produced only a few research projects pertaining to the study of the flea 
market setting and only three were specific to the direction of this thesis. 
First, H. Max Miller (1988) of the University of Georgia published a paper which 
highlighted a qualitative study of yard sales and flea markets located ?along Highway 
441 from Athens, Georgia to the North Carolina state line? (56).  For the purpose of his 
research, Miller utilized the ethnographic approach of personal interviewing.  ?A total 
number of sixty-three yard sale and flea market dealers were approached and interviewed 
during the Spring, Summer and Fall of 1986? (Miller 1988: 57), with follow-up 
interviews conducted in 1987.  Casual conversation as well as interview topics centered 
around three areas of interest: 1) ?The dealer or seller of yard sale and/or flea market 
commodities as an occupational type. 2) The nature of merchandise being sold.  And, 3) 
 4
The nature of interaction found in the market setting? (Miller 1988: 56).  A result of this 
research, Miller (1988) derived several significant findings: 
1) There is a niche or place for this type of exchange in 
American society and this is aptly demonstrated by the 
amount and diversity of exchange activity that exists 
outside of institutional retail structures.  It offers a place 
where buyers with limited resources can obtain 
serviceable goods (59). 
2) The degree of activity in this medium of exchange 
demonstrates the need for the humanization of the market 
process in American society which has been more or less 
dehumanized by self-service and mass marketing (59). 
3) Exchange activity at this level satisfies a number of 
different needs; i.e. a market for used and unwanted 
goods, an off-the-record informal cash exchange that 
yields obvious benefits to both parties and offers a 
network of contacts through which secondary benefits are 
realized.  It also has recreational benefits for both the 
buyers and sellers, especially for those who are retired or 
not connected to the formal economy (59). 
Second, in 1993 Mary B. LaLone, Elizabeth Godoy, Diane Halsall and Deanna 
Matthews of Radford University presented a relevant paper at the Appalachian Studies 
Association Conference.  ?Inspired by Rhoda Halperin?s (1990) study of flea marketing 
 5
in the Appalachian region of Kentucky, [this] project examined the growing phenomena 
of flea marketing in the New River Valley region of Appalachia? (LaLone, Godoy, 
Halsall and Matthews 1993: 2), specifically the Dublin Flea Market.  This qualitative 
study utilized four methods of data collection: mapping of the marketplace, personal 
interviews with flea market vendors, the role of participant-as-observer and extensive 
complete participation by the renting of a vendor booth and experiencing flea market 
selling firsthand.  The study began in the Fall of 1991, with mapping of the marketplace 
and personal interviews.  In the Spring and Fall of 1992, researchers utilized both roles of 
participant-observation in addition to extended mapping and interviewing.  A result of 
this research, the authors cited that ?the world of the flea market was transformed from 
one of seeming chaos, to a social and economic arena in which a variety of types of 
venders operate with patterned behaviors? (LaLone et al. 1993:3).  In addition, the 
authors showed ?the flea market to be a highly complex arena of social and economic 
interactions, involving different types of vendors (wholesalers, dealers, and marketers), 
who employ definable economic strategies and adhere to recognized social norms? 
(LaLone et al. 1993: 3). 
 Third, John F. Sherry, Jr. (1990) of Northwestern University published a paper 
which explored the ?institutional complexity and sociocultural significance? (13) of the 
Dalton Valley Flea Market in rural Mt. Arden.  For the purpose of his research, Sherry 
(1990) utilized the ?ethnographic approaches of participant observation and both 
directive and nondirective interviewing? (15).  In this extended case study Sherry (1990) 
spent over three years, from 1984 to 1987, ?shop[ing] with consumers, [selling] with 
dealers, [making] rounds with managers and regulators? (15), and interviewing ?hundreds 
 6
of buyers, sellers and ancillary actors? (15).  Sherry?s (1990) research focused primarily 
on ?the relationship of primary and secondary economic activity, buyer and seller 
behavior, marketplace ambience, the social embeddedness of consumption and 
experiential aspects of consumption? (13).  A result of this research Sherry (1990) 
advanced ?a conception of marketplace structure and function that incorporates informal 
and festive dimensions of consumer behavior? (13).  Sherry?s (1990) ?concept of 
dialectical simultaneity captures the complexity of marketplace behavior? (16) and is 
described as follows:    
I envision much marketplace structure and function as 
experienced by consumers to unfold along the dimensions 
of two dialectics.  The structural dimension is represented 
by the formal-informal dialectic; the functional 
dimension is represented by the economic-festive 
dialectic.  In conventional sociological and 
anthropological perspective, formal structure is 
characterized as official, controlled, highly rationalized, 
proactive, and institutional, and informal structure is 
viewed as less official (often clandestine), less controlled, 
less rationalized, reactive, and transient in nature. 
Informal patterns are thought to arise in response to or in 
spite of their formal counterparts.  Functions may be 
similarly contrasted; an economic function is 
characterized by notions of rationality and utility, and a 
 7
festive function is hedonic and experiential in nature.  
Although these dialectics are inherent in all marketplace 
behavior, it is possible to characterize marketplaces by 
their dominant dialectical dimensions, as I have done.  In 
particular, it removes marketplace behavior from the 
unproductive either/or conceptualizations characteristic 
of much current paradigmatic dispute, and places it 
directly into the kind of both/and framework demanded 
by postmodern inquiry (15-17). 
 Although not relating to the specific direction of this thesis, there are two 
additional research projects pertaining to the study of the flea market setting which 
should be mentioned.  First, H.C. White (1981) of the University of Chicago published a 
paper which explored ?economists? neoclassical theory of the firm within a sociological 
view of markets? (518).  Through his quantitative research White (1981) denoted three 
kinds of markets and market failures assuming production markets have two sides, 
producers and buyers.  White (1981) further explained that ?producers are a fully 
connected clique transacting with buyers as a separate but aggregated clique.  Each 
producer is a distinctive firm with a distinctive product.  Each side continually monitors 
reactions of the other through the medium of a joint social construction, the schedule of 
terms of trade? (517).  A result of this research, White (1981) concluded that ?markets 
are tangible cliques of producers observing each other.  Pressure from the buyer side 
creates a mirror in which producers see themselves, not consumers? (543-544).  Second, 
Marcel Fafchamps and Bart Minten (2001) published a paper which drew a unique 
 8
connection between liberalized grain markets in Madagascar and American flea markets.  
In this research project Fafchamps and Minten (2001) directly explored ?whether 
institutions exist in present-day Madagascar that protect property rights and ensure 
contract compliance among grain traders? (229), but they inadvertently discovered that 
this type of trade had ?little in common with the sophisticated business world that 
proponents of market liberalization typically envision[ed]? (231).  ?With little or no 
forward contracting, no brand recognition and no returns to scale in distribution? (231), 
the authors found these grain markets to ?bear greater resemblance to American flea 
markets? (231).  In addition, Fafchamps and Minten (2001) found the greatest similarity 
in these two marketplaces to be how contracts were enforced ?and found that the 
dominant contract enforcement mechanism [in both was] trust-based relationships? (257).  
They found that this trust-based relationship was established ?primarily through repeat 
interaction? (257), as is the driving force of success in the American flea market 
economy. 
 The data collection processes of the first three relevant studies constitute the 
framework in which research for the purpose of this thesis was conducted.  The Lee 
County Flea Market was investigated using participant-observation, the methodological 
approach most commonly used in the practice of field research.  Uncontrolled and 
unobtrusive participant-observation was employed through the role of complete-
participant.  Any individual present in the flea market setting (flea market buyer, flea 
market seller, flea market manager) during an observation day was anonymously 
observed as part of the participant population. 
 9
Data collected was validated against concepts of Erving Goffman?s Theory of 
Dramaturgy, a methodology that utilizes the metaphor of drama and theater to interpret 
human behavior in everyday life (Turner and Edgley 1976).  The validation of these 
concepts using a dramaturgical analysis elicited significant findings to the research 
problem: The types and functions of social interaction found in the flea market setting, in 
hopes of gaining new insight into patterns of social interaction of everyday life.  This 
dramaturgical analysis was the foundation upon which all sociological conclusions and 
recommendations for future research were based. 
There were three main objectives of this thesis: 1) To provide general information 
about the flea market phenomenon.  2) To demonstrate the flea market setting?s research 
potential in the social sciences.  And, 3) To further investigate Erving Goffman?s Theory 
of Dramaturgy and its application prospective, particularly in a social setting which has 
not been investigated in this way before. 
 In the flea market setting, four research questions guided participant-observation: 
1) Does the concept of a dramaturgical performance exist in the flea market setting?  
Which features of this performance are utilized?  And does this performance adhere to 
the five stages of development set forth by Goffman (Idea Formulation, 
Selection/Creation of an Action Area or Stage, Recruitment of Actors, Enactment and 
Redefinition of the Situation)?  2) Does the concept of a dramaturgical region (or regions) 
exist in the flea market setting?  Which regions are represented (Front Region, Back 
Region and/or Residual Region)?  Where are these regions located?  And which features 
of these regions are utilized?  3) Does the concept of a dramaturgical discrepant role exist 
in the flea market setting?  For what purpose are these discrepant roles formed?  Who 
 10
performs each role?  And what functions do they serve?  And, 4) Does the concept of 
dramaturgical impression management exist in the flea market setting?  Which features of 
this concept are utilized and how (Defensive Measures and/or Protective Measures)? 
Chapter 2, Conceptual Framework and Context for the Research, contains two parts:  
Part I, Previous Research on Flea Markets, consists of a review of relevant literature 
pertaining to the flea market phenomenon in general.  Information provided was derived 
from a number of flea market guidebooks and handbooks published over the last thirty 
years.  This section details: various types of flea market settings, the profiles of flea 
market buyers and flea market sellers, merchandise found in the flea market setting and 
how it is procured, the process of bargaining, strategies employed by flea market buyers 
and flea market sellers, as well as characteristics of social interaction found in this type of 
setting.  Part II, Conceptual Models of Flea Market Processes, consists of a review of 
relevant literature pertaining to Erving Goffman?s Theory of Dramaturgy.  Information 
provided was derived from The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (1959).  In this 
section, Goffman?s six themes of dramaturgical analysis are detailed: performance, team, 
regions and region behavior, discrepant roles, communication out of character, and arts of 
impression management. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 11
II. CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK AND CONTEXT FOR THE RESEARCH 
     PART I: Previous Research on Flea Markets 
 
Types of Flea Market Settings 
Of the five thousand plus flea markets that exist in the United States today, no two 
are exactly alike.  Each flea market differs greatly from the next and possesses distinctive 
characteristics (size, location and amenities offered) which make it unique to its own.  ?A 
flea market may range in size from just a few sellers standing on the side of a highway 
trying to clean out the unwanted contents of their homes to a complex, labyrinthine 
structure of [sellers?] booths sprawled out across acres of open space indoors or outdoors 
or both? (Werner 2002: 6).  Needless to say, flea market settings are a stratum of sizes, 
existing on a continuum. 
In measuring the approximate size of a flea market setting two factors must be 
considered: area in terms of distance and the number of sellers present.  The area in terms 
of distance of any flea market setting will vary based upon the popularity of flea markets 
in that region and open space available.  For instance, in New York City, where open 
space is extremely limited, small, forty-seller or less flea markets are held weekly in 
vacant parking lots across the city.  On the other hand, Kentucky, Tennessee, Georgia and 
Alabama host an annual flea market/yard sale that runs 450 miles along Route 127 
incorporating thousands of sellers.  Although there exist exceptions to any rule, for the 
most part, larger flea markets tend to be located in more rural regions, while smaller flea
 12
markets tend to be located in urban, more densely populated regions.  The size of a flea 
market may also vary greatly from the next based upon the number of sellers present on 
any given day.  A flea market that hosted five hundred sellers one weekend, might only 
host two hundred the next.  Seller counts vary according to ?the day of the week, the 
weather, the time of year, local customs--and such unpredictable variables as new market 
openings? (Copeland 1977: 120-121).  Seller populations in particular, but also flea 
markets in general, are an extremely dynamic phenomenon.  The size of any given flea 
market may change radically from one day to the next and from one year to the next.  
According Copeland (1977), a successful flea market can be achieved with as few as 
twenty-five sellers, but an average flea market should host at least fifty.   
Possibilities are limitless of location sites for flea market settings.  Across the 
country, flea markets of all sizes may be located in ?school gymnasiums, community 
centers, circus tents? (Karch et al. 2002: 9), ?halls, hotels, motels, churches, parking lots, 
open fields, lawns? (Copeland 1977: 107), empty buildings, ?drive-in movie theaters, 
sports arenas, race tracks, [and] every nook and cranny possible? (Copeland 1977: 120). 
Flea markets of all sizes can be grouped into two categories based on location: indoor or 
outdoor and rural or urban.  While the size of a flea market is most likely based upon its 
location in either a rural or urban region, its location either indoors or outdoors has no 
apparent bearing on its size.  Furthermore, based upon both climate and season, any given 
flea market may transform from outdoor to indoor or vice versa within the same year or 
even the same month.  As a point of interest, based upon research conducted by Bohigian 
(1981), it is shown that outdoor flea markets are more widely popular with both seller and 
buyer populations than more commercial, indoor flea markets. 
 13
In addition to size and location, flea market settings may also vary greatly based 
upon the amenities offered by flea market management.  To attract both seller interest 
and larger buyer crowds, flea market managers might offer such amenities as: restrooms, 
phones, food concessions, air-conditioning/heating, ample parking, free parking, free 
admission, security guards, paved aisles, handicap accessibility, advertisement and seller 
supplies, such as tables or booths.   
Flea Market Buyers 
 
 Flea market buyers now number well into the millions each year.  Some may 
attend just once out of sheer curiosity.  Others may attend nearly every day.  Some attend 
to casually browse, while others are more serious shoppers.  One of the most unique 
features of the flea market buyer population is their diversity.  Within the same flea 
market setting on any given day, there may be buyers of all ages, races, ethnicities, 
religions, educational levels and income backgrounds.  This diversity is one of the key 
components to flea market successfulness. 
According to Tolley and Mead (1998: 15), flea market buyers ?can generally be 
separated into two groups: collectors obsessed with finding new additions to their ever-
expanding personal collections and those who simply enjoy the chase and consider any 
find a wonderful bonus.?  Similarly, in interviews conducted with over two hundred flea 
market buyers, Bohigian (1981) reports the ?who? and ?why? of flea market buyers.  
?Teenagers go ??to shop.?  Aficionados and collectors go to treasure hunt.  The serious 
go to ??invest in quality.? The carefree go ??to have fun and see what?s around.? The 
bottom line for all is the bargain, the good buy, the unusual find.  They differ only in 
what they consider to be a bargain, a good buy, or an unusual find, in what they will be 
 14
pleased to find? (Bohigian (1981: 236).  All buyers, no matter their differences in 
shopping motivation, are most concerned with satisfying their ?shopping desire,? which 
they actively pursue in the flea market setting. 
Flea Market Sellers 
 
 Just as flea market buyers now number well into the millions each year, the 
number of flea market sellers has also been drastically increasing for the last several 
decades.  For hundreds of years, thousands of flea market sellers have been providing 
valuable products and services to the general public.  One might suggest, then, that the 
flea market seller is the last of the true entrepreneur, one who finds buyers for the useless 
to the elegant.  Similar to flea market buyers, flea market sellers are an extremely diverse 
population.  They represent men, women and children of all races, ethnicities, religions, 
educational levels and income backgrounds.  Because of this diversity, flea market sellers 
are difficult to classify, as so many may fall into several categories. 
 According to Cooper (1988: 7-11), a flea market seller will typically fall into one 
of four categories per their reason for selling:  1) A portion of flea market sellers are 
employed full-time elsewhere during the work week and only sell at flea markets as a 
side job on the weekends.  To these individuals, selling at the flea market supplies them 
with a secure extra income were they to ever be let go from their full-time employment.  
Selling at the flea market also serves a double purpose for these individuals in that they 
are able to earn additional income to support family luxuries.  A few of these individuals 
are, however, only holding onto full-time employment elsewhere until their flea market 
business is successful enough to provide a sufficient living.  2) ?A small percentage of 
professional [flea market sellers] are artists or craftsmen who sell their own creations? 
 15
(Cooper 1988: 7-11), either full-time or part-time, at various flea market locations.  3) A 
large segment of full-time flea market sellers are middle-aged men and women who were 
laid off from previous employment.  These sellers most likely started selling at the flea 
market to supplement a livable income while out of work, but after seeing the monetary 
potential, decided to make flea market selling their new full-time career.  4) Remaining 
full-time flea market sellers are retirees who use selling at flea markets as a supplement 
to their retirement paycheck or as a way to defray the costs of traveling around the 
country.  
 Cooper (1988: 152) further differentiates between two more types of flea market 
sellers: day sellers and professional sellers.  A day seller is one who is ?usually just 
cleaning out his or her attic or garage and disposing of unwanted items? (Cooper 1988: 
152).   This type of flea market seller is extremely negotiable and is generally more 
concerned with getting rid of the unwanted items than making a large profit.  On the 
other hand, a professional seller sells at flea markets for the sole purpose of making 
money.  ?Some are merely trying to supplement an already adequate retirement income.  
Others derive their entire living from selling? (Cooper 1988: 152), as mentioned 
previously.  
 Based upon field research conducted by LaLone et al. (1993), three types of flea 
market sellers can be found in most flea market settings: wholesalers, dealers and 
marketers.  These three categories of sellers were created by the researchers based upon 
five criteria: merchandise sold, quantity of merchandise sold, process of procurement, 
amount of capital and labor invested and whether primary motivation for selling was 
 16
economic or social.  Based upon extensive participant-observation and subject interviews, 
these characteristics were found to be typical of each type of flea market seller. 
 A ?wholesaler? is a type of flea market seller who purchases wholesale 
merchandise in bulk quantity from either a factory or other retail source.  At the flea 
market, these sellers ?break the bulk, selling each piece individually at lower than retail 
prices? (LaLone et al. 1993: 3-4).  Wholesalers tend to make a substantial capital 
investment up front, in order to procure such a large bulk quantity, and therefore, their 
prime motivation for selling is economic, to make a profit.  In addition, wholesalers tend 
to be most concerned with accessibility to merchandise and making a larger profit by not 
bargaining or negotiating.   
 A ?dealer? is a type of flea market seller one might call a ?specialist.?  Dealers 
focus primarily on one or two types of collectibles, antiques or handcrafted items.  These 
individuals obtain such valuable merchandise items from ?auctions, yard sales, estate 
sales and transactions with other dealers.  Dealers tend to express a personal interest in 
their items and invest a significant amount of time and money into collecting, 
researching, buying and often fixing up their merchandise.  Unlike wholesalers who rely 
on unloading the majority of their merchandise [quickly], dealers may hold onto their 
merchandise until the right customer appears? (LaLone et al. 1993: 4). 
 A ?marketer? is a type of flea market seller who is not specialized, but sells a 
wide variety, or potpourri, of fairly low-cost items.  These ?hand-made crafts or second-
hand items? (LaLone et al. 1993: 4-5), can be re-sold at very low prices for optimum 
profits.  ?Marketers obtain their merchandise from attics, garages, yard sales, dumpsters--
basically everywhere and anywhere they can find things to sell.  Very little capital 
 17
investment is put into fixing up items to sell, although marketers may invest [a great deal 
of] time and labor in searching for their merchandise.  Both monetary and social 
motivations draw the marketer [to the flea market]? (LaLone et al. 1993: 4-5). 
Merchandise 
 
 As great as the diversity is among both flea market buyers and flea market sellers, 
even more diversity exists in the merchandise that these individuals buy and sell. 
By and large, flea market merchandise is limited only by one?s own imagination.  If 
someone can dream it up, make, buy, acquire or transport it, it can be sold (Copeland 
1977)!  
Although the possibilities seem to be endless, it should be noted that there do 
exist a few exceptions to what flea market sellers are allowed to sell.  Many flea market 
managements prohibit the sale of food concessions because of the competition it would 
create to their own self-operated concession stands.  Other exceptions may include: 
?produce, cigarettes, liquor, pornography? (Copeland 1977: 32), ?guns, switchblade 
knives? (House of Collectibles 1987: 6), ?drugs, explosives, ammunition, martial arts 
supplies, fireworks, pets, livestock and paramilitary paraphernalia? (Cooper 1988: 27). 
 Merchandise will vary greatly from market to market as well as from seller to 
seller.  As mentioned earlier, some flea market sellers specialize in new, mass-produced 
merchandise while others concentrate more on antique or hand-crafted items.  There are 
several merchandise items, however, of general popularity which can be found at almost 
any flea market across the country.  Such items may include: ?fresh produce, jewelry, 
tools, t-shirts, cassette tapes, brass figurines, cheap toys, watches, bumper stickers, 
posters, framed prints, used paperbacks? (Cooper 1988: 27-28), and countless others.   
 18
 Two of the most important aspects of flea market selling successfulness is the 
quality and diversity of merchandise offered.  In order to attract larger buyer populations 
as well at to keep regular buyer interest, a flea market seller must always be on the 
lookout for new and exciting items to be sold.  Locating these new and exciting 
merchandise items is usually a long and tedious process, but the vast number of resources 
available makes it not an impossible feat. 
 Copeland (1977), Cooper (1988) and Bohigian (1981) have suggested several 
resources for merchandise procurement that might be utilized by flea market sellers.  Free 
merchandise is the first.  ?The cheapest way to get merchandise for resale is to get it for 
free? (Copeland 1977: 52).  This can first be accomplished by cleaning out one?s own 
house, attic, garage or storage facility.  After unwanted personal items have been 
collected, asking relatives, neighbors, friends, etc. if they possess items which they are 
willing to part with, is another possible option (Copeland 1977).  When relatives, 
neighbors and friends have been utilized, begin with strangers.  An excellent way to 
collect unwanted items from strangers is to place an advertisement in a local newspaper 
offering ?free basement clean-up or junk-haul-away service? (Copeland 1977: 53-54).    
Basements, attics and garages can store a wealth of valuable flea market merchandise if 
one only has the time to search for and collect it (Copeland 1977: 53-54).  Also included 
in local newspapers is the possibility of classified advertisements for ?giveaway or 
freebie offers? (Bohigian 1981: 171).  Many flea market sellers will venture to the streets 
to find discarded items before sanitation workers collect (Copeland 1977).  Other flea 
market sellers will rummage through old buildings just before their scheduled demolition 
(Copeland 1977). There are even those who will hunt for flea market treasures in local 
 19
garbage dumps.  If no local ordinance prohibits salvaging, dumpsters as well as dump 
sites may contain numerous salable items (Copeland 1977).  Once free merchandise 
resources have been exhausted, flea market sellers will utilize these additional 
procurement methods: white elephant sales, rummage sales, bazaars and other events 
sponsored by churches, temples, historical societies and women?s groups; garage sales, 
yard sales and tag sales; thrift shops; antique shops; other flea markets or swap meets; 
antique or collectible shows; auctions: estate auctions, consignment auctions, fundraising 
auctions, specialized auctions and bankruptcy auctions; consignment shops; wholesale 
gift shows; close-out and sample sales; shopping mall sidewalk sales;  or the more 
?obscure resources?: trade papers; bartering/trading with other sellers; obituary columns; 
canvassing house-to-house; importing/ordering from overseas; and buying/ordering by 
mail. 
Bargaining 
 
 Flea markets, as with any kind of trade market, are characterized by ?deals,? made 
when both the seller and the buyer believe they are receiving the better bargain (House of 
Collectibles 1987).  ?Bargaining is not only part of the fun of flea market shopping? 
(Copeland 1977: 74), it is essential to the successfulness of the phenomenon.  ?Handled 
as a courteous exchange, or as an enjoyable game, bargaining does [not] demean either 
the buyer or the seller? (Copeland 1977: 74-75), but functions to aid each party involved 
into receiving the best buy or sale possible. 
 To best understand the ?game? of bargaining it is first important to classify the 
various types of buyer bidders that might be found in a typical flea market setting.  From 
extensive buyer interviews Bohigian (1981: 231), has classified flea market bidders into 
 20
three categories: the reluctant bidder, the intrepid bidder and the occasional bidder.  Some 
adults, regardless of factors such as age, income and buying experience, feel hesitant or 
reluctant bargaining for a price, and will not, even though they may be tempted to do so.  
Teenagers are particularly hesitant to bargain out of a fear of appearing ?cheap? and 
because they are accustomed to retail stores and the authority of a fixed price.  A sharp 
seller will sense when a particular buyer is hesitant to bargain, yet unwilling to pay the 
marked price for a given item.  If this seller is eager to make a sale, he or she might ?offer 
the item to the reluctant bidder for slightly less than the stated price, and profitably close 
an otherwise non-existent deal? (Bohigian 1981: 231).  Opposite of the reluctant bidder, 
the intrepid bidder is not only a flea market regular but is one who may feel ?cheated? if 
he or she buys an item without undergoing the bargaining process.  This type of bidder 
loves the negotiation process, ?the pitting of ego against ego? (Bohigian 1981: 231), as it 
were.  The intrepid bidder approaches a seller with the expectation of haggling and is 
dissatisfied if this does not occur.  This type of bidder believes bargaining to be 
paramount to the flea market phenomenon and believes any seller who does not intend to 
bargain should not sell.  To this type of bidder, bargaining is the reason for attending a 
flea market rather than just another retail store.  Somewhere between the reluctant bidder 
and the intrepid bidder is the occasional bidder, a buyer who will not bargain unless the 
price is right.  This type of bidder will only bargain for an item if he or she greatly desires 
the item or feels the seller?s price is too high. 
 The Editors of the House of Collectibles (1987: 3-5), suggest eight tips for flea 
market buyers who wish to bargain.  First and foremost, a buyer should place a value on 
the item of interest and stick to that value as best as possible.  ?Changing [one?s] mind in 
 21
the middle of a sale is a sign of weakness and uncertainty? (House of Collectibles 1987: 
3-5).  Second, if an item is encountered which is not priced, a buyer should prompt the 
seller for his or her price, but not suggest one.  ?After all, it is the obligation of the seller 
to have a price to quote for any item that he [or she] sells? (House of Collectibles 1987: 
3-5).  Third, a buyer should never assume that the first price quoted is the final price, 
?whether offered by voice or by a price tag? (House of Collectibles 1987: 3-5).  In fact, 
there is a ?right as a potential buyer to ask for the last price? (House of Collectibles 1987: 
3-5), before making up one?s mind.  Forth, as a general rule, a buyer should ?always be 
working towards a deal? (House of Collectibles 1987: 3-5), in their negotiations with a 
flea market seller.  A potential buyer should not ?ask for a price on an item unless 
genuinely interested? (House of Collectibles 1987: 3-5).  Fifth, a buyer should also 
always be careful of their approach to bargaining.  ?Part of the trick is knowing the real 
value, of course.  But even if something is already priced low, a deft haggler takes the 
position that it can be driven down much further? (House of Collectibles 1987: 3-5).  
Sixth, in the same manner, ?the wrong way to ask for a discount is by deriding the 
merchandise or the price; by suggesting that the [seller] does not know his [or her] 
business; or by doing anything that could trigger a negative reaction? (House of 
Collectibles 1987: 3-5).  Seventh, a buyer will also be keen to remember that sellers have 
already heard every possible ploy for a discount, many times the same ones over and 
over.  A potential buyer should strive to be ?original in trying to obtain a discount and 
above all, courteous? (House of Collectibles 1987: 3-5).  And finally, buyers should 
utilize resources, be inventive, use their imaginations and ?most importantly, make a 
good impression? (House of Collectibles 1987: 3-5).  A buyer should always make sure 
 22
that the way in which he or she conducts business with a seller would welcome them 
back again. 
Strategies Employed By Flea Market Buyers 
 
 As with any retail transaction in which money is changing hands, both the buyer 
and the seller will attempt to employ strategies which will ultimately give them the upper 
hand and better deal.  Three general strategies are utilized by a majority of flea market 
buyers in their attempt to outwit sellers.   
 The first strategy that any flea market buyer should employ is to come prepared 
with the proper materials.  According to Karch, Andriola and Berman (2002: 10), six 
items should accompany a serious buyer to the flea market:  1) Cash.  (?Small bills [$20 
or smaller] are best? (Karch et al. 2002: 10).  It will be difficult to bargain with a flea 
market seller for that lower price with an ample amount of large bill denominations in 
hand.)  2)  Food and Water.  (Not all flea markets are equipped with food concessions.)  
3)  Comfortable, Nondescript Clothing and Shoes.  (A flea market buyer should keep in 
mind to not wear finer clothing and expensive jewelry or accessories.  If one expects to 
bargain, it will be difficult to convince a seller of a discount wearing such fancy items.) 
4)  Packing Materials.  5)  An Empty Car. And, 6)  Tools.  (Suggested ?tools? include: 
flashlight, tape measure, magnet [to help determine the composition of a find], 
magnifying glass, receipt book and a reliable price guide.)  
 The second strategy that any flea market buyer should employ is to coordinate a 
?plan of attack.?  Tolley and Mead (1998: 16-17), provide a step-by-step ?plan of attack? 
to guide both new and experienced buyers into finding the best sales possible.  First, if a 
buyer is looking for a particular item of interest or is a serious collector, he or she should 
 23
attend a ?pre-show ?early bird? opening? (Tolley and Mead 1998: 16-17).  If receiving the 
best price is of paramount importance, a buyer should attend only the last few hours of a 
flea market.  A seller may be more willing to take less for an item at the end of a business 
day to avoid having to pack it up and tote it home.  Next, it is suggested to walk the flea 
market in an organized or patterned manner, in order to insure no seller is overlooked. 
?Some [buyers] prefer to do a quick walk-through of the entire [flea market] before 
buying; others buy as they go? (Tolley and Mead 1998: 16-17).  If a buyer should decide 
to buy as they go, they should pay for each item and ask the seller to hold onto it at his or 
her booth until the end of the business day.  Finally, even if a buyer is looking for a very 
specific item, one should ?look at booths that offer a potpourri of merchandise? (Tolley 
and Mead 1998: 16-17).  Often the best prices will be found at these types of booths 
where the seller is less knowledgeable about his or her merchandise.   
 The third strategy that any flea market buyer should employ is to arrive early, just 
as the market is opening, or possibly hours before.  While this strategy has numerous 
advantages, such as first pick at merchandise and beating larger crowds, it also has 
several disadvantages.  Karch, Andriola and Berman (2002: 10), suggest that ?contrary to 
conventional wisdom, there is no best time to arrive at a flea market.  It is true that those 
who arrive the minute the venue opens will find the best selection of goods,? but many 
mistakes are to be made by employing this strategy.  ?Some of the worst mistakes are 
made by people shopping when it is still too dark to see clearly.  Also, [sellers] may not 
be completely unpacked [at that time], and [will be] less inclined to bargain.  They have 
the whole day before them and figure they will surely sell [that item] to someone else at 
the full asking price.  As the day passes, prices become more flexible? (Karch et al. 2002: 
 24
10).  Arriving later in the day, a buyer may find less merchandise to choose from, but 
much better prices.  Therefore, a buyer?s priority, whether merchandise selection or price, 
will determine their desired arrival time.  
Strategies Employed By Flea Market Sellers 
 
Since the beginning of the flea market phenomenon, flea market sellers have been 
devising strategies to earn optimal profits just as flea market buyers have been devising 
strategies to bargain for the lowest prices possible.  These strategies have been passed on 
from generation to generation.  To clarify, flea market seller strategies may be defined as 
?planned actions that individual [sellers] develop in order to maximize their economic 
and social involvement at the flea market.  These strategies, by definition, involve 
planning and manipulation on the part of the [seller] in order to increase the chances of a 
sale? (LaLone et al. 1993: 5).  Even though sellers tend to develop their own individual 
strategies based upon their unique merchandise or area of business, there do exist several 
commonalities used by the majority. 
The first strategy employed by flea market sellers is to be thoroughly educated on 
all merchandise being sold.  ?This requires much research on the part of the [seller] in 
order to be able to recognize marketable merchandise, avoid misvaluing an item they plan 
to sell, and recogniz[e] items being sold at undervalued prices? (LaLone et al. 1993: 6).  
Education may be gleaned of one?s own merchandise using several resources: visiting 
museums, fine antique stores and auction houses to study prices; reading trade show, 
collectible, antique and home magazines; and speaking with other flea market sellers of 
their experiences. 
 25
The second strategy employed has been previously discussed, the procurement of 
merchandise.  This may be accomplished through outside sources such as tag sales, 
auctions, estate sales, thrift stores and the like, while much is bought and sold within the 
flea market setting, seller to seller.   
Once merchandise has been researched and procured, sellers employ various 
strategies to ?market themselves and their merchandise? (LaLone et al. 1993: 6).  The 
third strategy utilized by flea market sellers is taking on an adverse facade from their 
everyday appearance to ?dress down? and convey an image of being ?unsuccessful or 
poor? (LaLone et al. 1993: 6).  As mentioned earlier, ?wealthier [buyers] have also 
picked up on this strategy and wear ?disguises? in order to? (LaLone et al. 1993: 6-7), 
strike better deals with sellers.  These buyers realize that wearing finer clothing and 
expensive accessories will tip off flea market sellers to the fact that they do not, in 
actuality, need a discount, but are accustomed to and financially able to pay the full 
asking price, if not more (LaLone et al. 1993). 
Accompanying ?dressing down,? sellers will also ?act down,? offering the fourth 
strategy.  For instance, by not carrying themselves as if they were ?successful? or enjoy a 
comfortable lifestyle, buyers will be less inclined to haggle with their asking prices, 
assuming that the seller needs the money (LaLone et al. 1993). 
Fifthly, a majority of sellers will use tactics of persuasion to sell their 
merchandise.  A flea market seller might sell ?standing up? or be overly outgoing, 
striking up conversations with buyers as they pass by (LaLone et al. 1993). 
The sixth strategy employed by flea market sellers is ?display techniques.?  
Sellers ?recognize that their items do not sell themselves and so utilize various display [or 
 26
merchandising] techniques? (LaLone et al. 1993: 7), to gain advantages on other 
competing booths.  To gain both respect and credibility from flea market buyers as well 
as other sellers, a seller will strive to make his or her merchandise as easily accessible 
and aesthetically appealing as possible, creating an individualized image by having an 
attractive, eye-catching display (LaLone et al. 1993).  For example, ?some colors attract 
attention while others tend to blend into the background? (Cooper 1988: 44).  Or in some 
cases, sellers will hang signs over their tables or booths indicating either a company name 
or the nature of merchandise being sold.   
Three additional and similar strategies used by a few flea market sellers include 
the use of recyclable products and the combining and breaking-apart of resources.  ?To 
make their merchandise more appealing many [sellers] take advantage of recyclable 
resources, such as broken or aged items.  They fix them, paint them, gloss them, polish 
them or whatever is necessary in order to improve their appearance and worth.  By 
combining resources, the seller actually enhances his or her display and increases the 
chances of selling more merchandise.  [Sellers] who ?break sets? resell individual pieces 
in order to receive the maximum amount possible for each? (LaLone et al. 1993: 7).  This 
?breaking-apart? strategy is particularly popular because many buyers, especially other 
sellers, are forever looking for their ?missing pieces? to complete a set.  
Because the flea market setting offers a great deal of ?seller freedom,? many 
?express their individuality [by creating] a ?catch? to sell their merchandise? (LaLone et 
al. 1993: 7).  Such advertisements may range from ?a theme, such as Disney 
memorabilia, to supporting a charitable cause, such as ?Save the Dolphins? or ?Hurricane 
Relief.?  Serving a charitable cause attracts [buyers] and boosts sales because the [buyers] 
 27
will feel justified spending their money if they feel they are supporting a charitable cause.  
[In addition, sellers will] also try to advertise and sell new and unusual items to the 
region that would otherwise be scarce or completely unavailable, items that are unique 
and hand-crafted? (LaLone et al. 1993: 7), at the lowest prices possible. 
The eleventh strategy employed by a vast majority of flea market sellers is to 
arrive extremely early, possibly hours before the flea market is set to open.  No matter 
what merchandise is being sold, all sellers should be set-up and ready for business at least 
one hour before the opening of the market.  There are four advantages of both arriving 
early and being prepared to sell early: First, getting the best spot is of utmost importance 
and ?most flea market space is allotted on a first-come, first-served basis? (Copeland 
1977: 35).  Second, setting up carefully will allow a seller to arrange their booth, set up 
displays, review prices and organize thoughts for the day.  Third, most selling to other 
sellers only takes place before the flea market officially opens.  Arriving late, it will not 
be possible to receive a fair share of this business.  And finally, buying from other sellers 
will also only be possible if set up ahead of schedule.  If done so, a seller will be able, 
himself or herself, to collect a fair share of early morning bargains.   
Just as flea market buyers are expected to come prepared with the proper 
shopping tools, sellers too, are expected to have certain supplies and materials furnished.  
Having ?buyer-friendly? materials furnished may greatly increase return business for the 
flea market seller season after season. 
The final and most important strategy employed by flea market sellers is the 
location of their space, booth or table, because where a seller is located is oftentimes 
more important than what he or she is actually selling.  Most sellers would consider these 
 28
to be prime locations in any flea market setting: ?near the main entrance, in a covered 
area, in a regular location? (LaLone et al. 1993: 8-9), ?on a corner or at the end of a row 
with cross aisles, near a food concession, directly across the aisle from the entrance to the 
women?s restroom? (Cooper 1988: 71), or ?in close proximity to parking? (Copeland 
1977: 34).  Of these prime locations three are especially coveted.  ?Having a space near 
the entrance makes the [seller?s] merchandise more readily available to arriving [buyers] 
who are eager to shop and find ?hidden treasures.?  [Buyers] usually have something in 
mind to purchase before they get to the [flea market] and are more likely to buy the first 
bargain they see rather than the last.  Covered areas give buyers shelter, and during bad 
weather the [seller may] greatly increase the exposure of his or her merchandise to a large 
number of potential buyers, while protecting their goods.  Being in the same spot year 
after year makes the [seller] more memorable and subsequently available to [buyers] 
repeatedly.  It also allows the [sellers] and [buyers] to get to know each other and form 
strong socioeconomic ties within and outside the [flea market]? (LaLone et al. 1993: 8).  
Competition for these prime locations is immense, ?thus [sellers] may elicit strategies for 
obtaining and holding their spaces? (LaLone et al. 1993: 8).  Space location is usually 
assigned on a first-come, first-served basis; however, spots can be reserved for those 
sellers who have seniority based upon selling in the same spot year after year.  Most 
sellers, however, turn their profits immediately to reserve their space again for the next 
season.  ?Outside [sellers] can acquire [these coveted] spaces if they register for a slot 
very early in the year, become an apprentice to an experienced [seller] or if another 
[seller] does not renew his or her space? (LaLone et al. 1993: 8). 
 29
In any flea market setting ?highly personalized relationships? develop between 
fellow sellers, and between sellers and buyers, especially if the buyers frequent the same 
seller?s spot season after season.  ?As with any repeat interaction between individuals and 
groups, certain norms, [or rules of conduct], that distinguish these relationships begin to 
emerge? (LaLone et al. 1993: 10).  Norms, which may be defined as rules that regulate 
acceptable behavior in a culture, serve an extremely important function in any flea market 
setting.  It may be suggested that these norms keep the flea market setting socially and 
economically ?in check.?  So in addition to employing selling strategies, flea market 
sellers must also abide by general rules of conduct or norms of the flea market setting.  
 LaLone, Godoy, Halsall and Matthews (1993) suggest that thirteen rules of 
conduct for flea market sellers exist.  These rules of conduct seem to be ?quietly 
understood in an almost unspoken manner? (LaLone et al. 1993) by a majority of regular 
sellers.  1) Once the merchandise?s asking price has been displayed, a seller should not 
raise or change this price, ?although lowering [it] is fine, however? (LaLone 1993: 11).  
2) A seller should be conscious of neighboring vendor merchandise and prices as to ?not 
sell the same items for less than another [seller], especially if they are close in proximity 
or will be returning to the same spot the following year or season? (LaLone 1993: 11).  3) 
A seller should never ?talk down? another seller or his or her merchandise to a fellow 
seller or buyer.  4) ?Keep money matters quiet? (LaLone et al. 1993: 11), ? a seller 
should never boast about how much money was made or about any other seller?s 
earnings.  5) ?Trust exists? (LaLone et al. 1993: 11).  A seller should be able to leave his 
or her booth in the safety of a neighboring seller should it need to be cared for.  6) Seller 
spaces, booths and tables ?are designated by specific footage? (LaLone et al. 1993: 11), 
 30
and a seller should always remain within his or her bounds.  ?Any violation or infraction 
of space will likely result in a riff with a neighbor? (LaLone et al. 1993: 11).  7) 
Appraising the value of a piece of merchandise to a buyer is not acceptable, although 
stating estimated values to another seller is.  8) ?Mark-ups on items are expected, 
therefore bargaining over prices is acceptable, especially where monetary values are not 
necessarily fixed but fluctuate according to buyer demand? (LaLone et al. 1993: 11).  9) 
Sellers should recognize that there exists an honor system that all sellers must adhere to.  
A certain percentage of a seller?s earnings is expected to be turned into flea market 
management at the end of each business day, per their contractual agreement.  10) It is 
understood that there exists ?a sense of social responsibility not to take advantage of a 
[buyer?s] naivet?? (LaLone et al. 1993: 11).  11) ?All sales are final? (LaLone et al. 1993: 
11).  A buyer will not be allowed to return to a seller to haggle for a better price if the 
item in question has already been purchased.  12) If a seller receives an asking price for 
an item, it will always be ?a fair deal, even if the buyer makes a sizable profit by reselling 
the item? (LaLone et al. 1993: 11).  And, 13) It is acceptable, and even encouraged, that 
sellers ?set up reciprocal relationships with one another and regular buyers; meaning if a 
[seller] knows a repeat customer will be back to look at their goods the following season, 
he or she may purchase something to resell to this particular [buyer] or [fellow seller].  In 
a sense, this assures them of making some money, and furthers social relationships.  This 
is especially true with [fellow sellers]? (LaLone et al. 1993: 11).  It should be noted that 
not all sellers adhere to these rules of conduct; some are more inclined to do so than 
others.  Those who do, however, realize that these norms ?serve to moderate economic 
 31
behavior? as well as ?facilitate a comfortable social environment for economic exchange? 
(LaLone et al. 1993: 12), within the flea market setting. 
Social Interaction 
 
 It is apparent that the flea market phenomenon has created an American 
subculture.  What drives this subculture is interaction, interaction between fellow sellers, 
interaction between fellow buyers, and most importantly, interaction between sellers and 
buyers.  The interaction between these peoples? social and economic worlds has shaped 
the flea market phenomenon into what it is today. 
 According to LaLone, Godoy, Halsall and Matthews (1993: 9-10), there exists 
five types of social interaction which help create the flea market ?aura? as it were.  Face-
to-face interaction is the first.  Personal, face-to-face interaction plays a tremendous role 
in flea market socialization.  Flea markets have ?a small town atmosphere, where people 
negotiate and interact on a fact-to-face basis.  In the flea market, economic exchange is 
intermingled with social exchange and moderated by social norms? (LaLone et al. 1993: 
9-10).   
 The building of relationships is the second.  The building of relationships also 
plays a vital role in the various types of social interaction found in the flea market setting.  
A flea market ?is used as a meeting place, and is composed of vast networks of social 
communication between those who visit it? (LaLone et al. 1993: 9-10).  In many cases, 
sellers and buyers have been attending the same flea markets for decades and will for 
decades to come.  ?This regular visitation promotes the establishment of many different 
relationships? (LaLone et al. 1993: 9-10).  Buyers befriend buyers.  Sellers befriend 
sellers.  And buyers and sellers befriend each other.  In many cases, these friend 
 32
relationships reach beyond the flea market setting.  The foundation for these relationships 
is influenced greatly by the flea market?s ?pervasive feeling of friendliness? (LaLone et 
al. 1993: 9-10).  This atmosphere of friendliness helps to spur the blossoming of these 
long-lasting relationships.   
 Shared identity is the third.  ?A sense of shared identity exists in that? (LaLone et 
al. 1993: 9-10), if a person is at a particular flea market, either as a buyer or a seller, he or 
she automatically has a shared interest or hobby in common with every other person in 
attendance.  To many, trips to the flea market are not made out of necessity, but are 
largely leisure activities.  ?This can be paralleled with marketplaces in non-industrial 
countries such as Latin America and Africa, where marketplaces are seen as social events 
and happenings, in addition to being economic arenas.  Since they only occur at certain 
times, as opposed to being permanent structures, their occurrence invites a sense of 
anticipation people from other mainstream cultures may not quite understand? (LaLone et 
al. 1993: 9-10).   
 Social bonds is the fourth.  The bartering and bargaining processes characteristic 
of the flea market setting encourages the type of personal interaction between buyers and 
sellers that provides a foundation upon which strong social bonds can be formed, which 
are not evident in the broader economy.  For instance, by purchasing merchandise from a 
flea market seller, the buyer ?feels appreciated, the smiles and thanks that the [seller] 
offers are sincere.  Many times unless the patron frequents very small businesses, the 
transaction that occurs is not direct, in that there exists a middleman between the 
producer of the good and the buyer? (LaLone et al. 1993: 9-10).  In experiencing a direct 
transaction with a flea market seller, a buyer will walk away from the seller?s space 
 33
feeling satisfied, ?both at having obtained a want or need, as well as having made the 
[seller] happy? (LaLone et al. 1993: 9-10).   
 And finally, there is collective identity.  Drawing on the personal interaction 
processes characteristic of the flea market setting, a closeness between individuals 
becomes apparent, especially between fellow sellers who frequent the same flea market 
settings year after year.  As a result, a collective identity begins to emerge between sellers 
in the form of a type of ?seller family.?  This collective identity is most clearly evidenced 
by sellers ?being able to ask each other to keep an eye on their spots should they need to 
leave for a while? (LaLone et al. 1993: 9-10).  When arriving at a row of seller spaces, 
because of this collective identity, it may be difficult for a buyer to determine which 
individual sells at which space.  Numerous other scenarios of social interaction enrich the 
flea market setting, but only these specific five have been explored thus far. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 34
PART II: Conceptual Models of Flea Market Processes 
In The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (1959), Erving Goffman outlines a 
highly imaginative method of analyzing social interaction.  Goffman uses a metaphorical 
theater as his theoretical framework.  Within this framework, social interaction, 
specifically face-to-face interaction, involves individuals as actors performing for an 
audience in a scripted manner, while engaging in the art of impression management. 
This framework, termed dramaturgy, is the central focus of Goffman?s work on 
the self through the scope of the Symbolic Interactionist Perspective.  Goffman?s 
dramaturgical approach, therefore, shapes his sense of self and self-image.  To Goffman, 
the self is not a possession of the actor, but rather the product of the dramatic and 
dynamic interaction between actor and audience (Ritzer 2004). 
 Goffman?s dramaturgy is an expansion on the ideas of Kenneth Burke, who 
pioneered the ?dramatistic? approach to social interaction involving five themes: act, 
scene, agent, agency and purpose (Ritzer 2005).  Goffman developed his own 
?dramaturgical? approach, however, based on six themes: performance, team, regions and 
region behavior, discrepant roles, communication out of character and arts of impression 
management. 
 35
Performance 
Any single instance of social interaction may be called a performance.  For any 
instance of social interaction to become a fully developed performance, it must complete 
all five stages of development: 1) idea formulation (in the form of an image, theme, plot 
or script), 2) selection/creation of an action area or stage, 3) recruitment of actors and 
training for roles, 4) enactment and 5) a new definition of the situation for actors and 
audiences (Hare and Blumberg 1988). 
Goffman suggests that any performance, including a theatrical one, must begin 
with an idea. This idea will concern a situation, as well as the action that will 
consequently unfold in response to that situation.  An idea may be one of two kinds: a 
single image that has the potential for action or a detailed script, as in a play, which 
includes both parts for each cast member as well as stage directions to guide the 
performance.  A single image is more likely to guide the interaction of a small, informal 
group, whereas a script is more likely to guide the interaction of a formal organization, 
where behavior may be more highly structured.  Goffman also suggests that there may be 
ideas of intermediate complexity, such as a theme or plot.  He describes a theme as 
including ?both a direction of movement and a minimum set of roles to be enacted? (Hare 
and Blumberg 1988: 4). This theme will guide any instance collective behavior.  He 
describes a plot as a ?detailed scenario, defined roles and an indication of the stages a 
group must go through to reach a goal? (Hare and Blumberg 1988: 4).  This plot will 
guide the activities of a social movement (Hare and Blumberg 1988). 
 Once an idea has been formulated, the creation of an action area, or stage, is 
needed.  Creation of a stage may involve seeking and locating a site, constructing the 
 36
actual structure and making provisions for the audience.  The stage is a crucial element in 
that it suggests ?the time, both clock time and historical time, the mood of the play? 
(Hare and Blumberg 1988: 4), as well as the tone of the actors. 
 Upon the creation of a stage, the next phase of development involves the 
recruitment of actors and the training of roles.  This recruitment and training is followed 
by the actual enactment of the performance.  As the enactment commences, a period of 
appraisal will follow concerning ?the effect of the action on the definition of the 
situation, both for the actors and for the audience? (Hare and Blumberg 1988: 4). 
 Upon the completion of a fully developed performance, several physical and 
interactional aspects may be characterized.  ?Because the self is a product of dramatic 
interaction, it is vulnerable to disruption during the performance.  Goffman?s dramaturgy 
is extremely concerned with the processes by which such disturbances are prevented and 
dealt with? (Ritzer 2004: 358).  Disturbances to the performance, along with preventative 
and intervening behaviors against these disturbances, take place in what Goffman calls, 
the front. 
 As Goffman?s performance refers to all activity of an individual actor, which 
occurs before an audience, with the intent to influence that audience; his front is that part 
of the individual actor?s performance, which functions to define the situation for that 
same audience, using props, or what he calls, expressive equipment (Goffman 1959). 
 Within the front, Goffman further differentiates between two standard parts: 
setting and personal front.  Setting refers to the physical attributes of the scene or stage 
that must be present if the actors are to perform (Ritzer 2004).  This setting may include: 
?furniture, d?cor, physical layout and other background items which supply the scenery 
 37
and stage props? (Goffman 1959: 22).  Any setting, no matter the performance, tends to 
reside in the same geographical location. This static location allows an individual actor to 
control the setting, in that the performance begins when they arrive, with their 
appropriate props, and ends when they depart (Goffman 1959).  If the term setting refers 
to the physical attributes of the scene or stage, one may use the term personal front to 
refer to those other props, or expressive equipment, that the audience intimately identifies 
with the actor.  This personal front will consist of items that the audience naturally 
expects will follow the actor wherever he goes (Goffman 1959).  Within the personal 
front, Goffman further differentiates between two standard parts: appearance and manner.  
Appearance may include those props which inform the audience of the actor?s social 
status (Ritzer 2004).  Appearance educates the audience of the actor?s social obligations, 
expectations and achievements.  Manner, on the other hand, may inform the audience of 
the role the actor is expected to play.  Manner educates the audience as to the actor?s 
demeanor and attitude.  A harsh manner and a humble manner indicate quite different 
modes of performing (Ritzer 2004).  A harsh, aggressive manner ?may give the 
impression that the actor expects to be the one who will initiate the verbal interaction and 
direct its course? (Goffman 1959: 24).  A humble, apologetic manner ?may give the 
impression that the actor expects to follow the lead of others, or at least that he can be led 
to do so? (Goffman 1959: 24). 
 As expected, appearance and manner are often consistent.  However, they may 
contradict each other from time to time.  One instance of such a contradiction may be 
?when an actor, who appears to be of a higher estate than his audience, acts in a manner 
that is unexpectedly equalitarian, or intimate, or apologetic? (Goffman 1959: 25), or vice 
 38
versa.  In addition to the mentioned consistency of appearance and manner, Goffman 
(1959: 25) also suggests that there is ?coherence among setting, appearance and manner.  
Such coherence represents an ideal type that provides a means of stimulating attention to 
and interest in expectation.?  One of the most significant aspects of Goffman?s Theory of 
Dramaturgy lies within this domain of idealization.  Goffman argues that because actors 
strive to present an idealized image of themselves, they will feel obligated to hide aspects 
of their selves or aspects of their performance from the audience.   
 Goffman suggests six modes of concealment and two performance techniques to 
expedite the presenting of idealized image.  First, actors may wish to conceal secret or 
guilty pleasures engaged in prior to the performance.  Actors may also wish to conceal 
these same pleasures or other overt aspects of their past lives that would be incompatible 
with their current performance (Ritzer 2004).  Second, actors may wish to conceal the 
errors, or potential errors, that may have occurred in preparation for the performance.  In 
addition, actors may wish to conceal the steps taken in the process in an effort to correct 
these errors (Ritzer 2004).  Third, actors may wish to conceal the process in which they 
arrived at the ?show? performance by revealing only the finished product (Ritzer 2004). 
Fourth, actors may wish to conceal from the audience what Goffman calls the ?dirty 
work? of the process.  Such ?dirty work? may include: tasks that are ?physically unclean, 
semi-legal, cruel, or degrading in other ways? (Ritzer 2004: 359).  Fifth, actors may wish 
to loosen other held standards in order to uphold the particular standard portrayed by the 
current performance (Ritzer 2004).  Sixth, actors may wish to conceal any insulting or 
humiliating incidents which might have occurred in the process of creating the 
 39
performance.  In addition, actors may also wish to conceal any deals or promises made so 
that the performance could transpire (Ritzer 2004). 
The second aspect of the idealization of dramaturgy is found in performance 
techniques.  Goffman cites two examples of such techniques.  First, actors will often 
transmit the impression that they are more intimate with the audience than they actually 
are.  For example, actors will transmit the impression that the ?performance in which they 
are engaged in at the moment is their only performance or at least their most important 
one? (Ritzer 2004: 360).  In addition, actors will also transmit the impression that there is 
a unique quality to their performance as well as his or her connection to the audience 
(Ritzer 2004).  Second, actors will employ a mystification technique in their performance 
by a means of ?social distance.?  By generating a chasm between themselves and the 
audience, actors will generate a sense of awe in an attempt to mystify members of the 
audience.  This, in turn, will keep the audience from doubting the actor and his or her 
performance (Ritzer 2004). 
Team 
Various complexities of the performance led to Goffman?s interest in teams.  To 
Goffman, a particularly strong Symbolic Interactionist, focusing primarily on individual 
actors masked important details about the process of interaction.  Goffman?s basic 
component of analysis is, then, not the individual actor, but rather the team.  A team may 
be defined as a set of individual actors who collaborate in staging a performance.  Each 
member is dependent on the others, because any one actor has the potential to disrupt the 
performance and all are conscious that they performing collaboratively (Ritzer 2004). 
 40
Individual actors who are members of the same team will often find themselves, 
by virtue of this reality, in a dependent and significant relationship with one another. 
There are two basic components of this dependent and significant relationship between 
team members.  First, during a given performance, any member of the team has the 
authority and opportunity to disrupt that performance by acting inappropriately. Each 
team member is then forced to rely on the appropriate conduct of his or her fellow 
teammates, and they, in turn, are forced to rely on that team member equally.  There is 
then, perforce, a relationship of reciprocal dependence linking teammates to one another 
(Hare and Blumberg 1988).  Secondly, if members of a team must collaborate to uphold a 
given definition of the situation before their audience, they will not wish to maintain that 
particular impression before one another in private.  As collaborators in the maintenance 
of a particular definition of the situation, team members are forced to characterize one 
another as persons with whom a particular impression cannot or should not be 
maintained.  Teammates, then, are bound by what Goffman calls, ?familiarity.? Among 
teammates, the freedom of familiarity should not be a slowly developing process by 
which much time is spent in unfamiliarity, but rather a formal bond that is ?automatically 
extended and received as soon as the individual takes a place on the team? (Hare and 
Blumberg 1988: 38-39). 
 Goffman argues that the function of an actor or group of actors, a team, is to 
uphold a definition of the situation by an act of maintaining the line.  In the situation of a 
one-man team, an actor has no point of reference in which to inform his decision.  He 
can, then, quickly reason which of the possible stances on a matter to take and then 
believe in this stance as if it were the only one possible.  But if the circumstances change 
 41
from that of a one-man team to that of a larger, the stance on the matter taken by the 
individual actor must also be changed.  Public disagreement among teammates regarding 
the definition of the situation may cause communal conflict if not concealed correctly 
from the audience.  This public disagreement may not only debilitate the team from a 
unified stance, but may also embarrass the stance sponsored by them.  To guard the 
definition of the situation, members of a team may be forced to delay taking a public 
stance until the stance of the team has been agreed upon.  Once the team?s stance has 
been voiced and approved, team members may be required to follow it, no matter their 
own personal beliefs?thus, maintaining the line.  It is evident by the fear of communal 
conflict, that teams will maintain the line, by selecting as teammates those who can be 
trusted to perform properly, conform and adhere to the consensus of the group (Hare and 
Blumberg 1988). 
 In any given social setting or performance, there will be two teams represented.  
One team will consist of members who are dependent on one another in an attempt to 
maintain a particular definition of the situation.  The other team will consist of all 
remaining individuals outside of the original team, and in their performances of response 
to that team, will themselves comprise a separate team.  As each team will be acting 
through its performance for the other, this interaction will not be a combination of many 
voices, but rather a manner of dialogue between two teams (Hare and Blumberg 1988).   
 If this combination of voices is treated as a dialogue between two teams, it will be 
circumstantial to call one team the performers and one the audience or observers. 
Goffman depicts three social setting scenarios that enable teams to determine their roles 
as either performers or observers.  First, if the ?social setting in which the interaction 
 42
occurs is assembled and managed by one of the teams only, and contributes in a more 
intimate way to the show this team puts on than to the show put on in response by the 
other team? (Hare and Blumberg 1988: 43-44), the roles are easily distinguishable.  
Second, if in a social setting, a team ?puts on a performance and maintains a front, but the 
setting in which they do this is outside of their immediate control? (Hare and Blumberg 
1988: 44), it may be said that the team which controls the setting would be the performers 
and the other the observers.  Third, if in a social setting, ?a team contributes more 
actively to the interaction, plays the more dramatically prominent role, or sets the pace 
and direction which both teams will follow in their dialogue? (Hare and Blumberg 1988: 
44), this team may be labeled the performers and the other observers.  
Regions and Region Behavior 
Teams interact in the area that Goffman (1959: 106) terms a region.  A region 
may be defined as any area that is restricted to some degree by modes of perception.  
Regions may vary greatly in the degree to which they are restricted.  Actors may be 
allowed access to one region but not another, and the same holds true for the audience.  
Although access may be restricted, it will be possible for the actors and audience alike to 
perceive information from all regions without access to them.  
Goffman depicts three regions in his dramaturgical approach: front region (or 
frontstage), back region (or backstage) and residual region (or outside).  It may be 
possible for an area to not meet the characteristics of even one of these three regions, as it 
is possible for an area to meet the characteristics of all of these three regions (Ritzer 
2004).  ?While there is a tendency for a region to become identified as the front region or 
back region of a performance with which it is regularly associated, still there are many 
 43
regions which function at one time and in one sense as a front region and at another time 
and in another sense as a back region? (Goffman 1959: 126). 
As suggested earlier, when an individual actor or a team of actors conduct a 
performance in the presence of an audience, some aspects of their performance are 
accentuated and other aspects, which might disrupt the performance or the actor?s 
performance impression, are suppressed.  These aspects, which are accentuated and not 
suppressed, will appear in what Goffman (1959) calls the front region.  The suppressed 
aspects will appear in what Goffman (1959) calls the back region.  A back region or 
backstage may, therefore, be defined as the area of a given performance where 
suppressed aspects or impressions presented by the actor are not disguised but openly 
presently.   
The location of the back region is crucial to the success of the individual actor and 
performance itself.  The back region is located adjacent to the front region, but also cut 
off from it.  Although adjacent, the two regions will be separated or cut off by a guarded 
door or passageway.  This being said, actors can reliably expect that no members of their 
front region audience will appear in the back region in an attempt to preserve the 
performance?s suppressed aspects (Ritzer 2004).  Actors engage in many forms of 
impression management to ensure that this separation is maintained.  If separation is not 
maintained, actors risk disruption to the performance, and possibly failure. 
 As suggested earlier, teammates who work together on any given performance 
tend to be in a familiar and often informal relationship with each other.  This informal 
familiarity will be expressed only at times when the audience is not present.  If this 
relationship were exposed to audience members it would convey an impression of ?self 
 44
and teammate? which is ordinarily inconsistent with the impression of ?self and 
teammate? one wants to sustain before the audience (Goffman 1959: 128).  A back 
region, being restricted to members of the audience, is therefore the safe backdrop in 
which a team?s reciprocal familiarity can determine the tone of social intercourse.  With 
similar reasoning, in the front region a tone of formality must prevail in order for the 
performance to display that consistency between ?self and teammate? which is expected 
by the audience (Goffman 1959). 
 Because of the tone of familiarity in the back region, or lack there of in the front 
region, two distinct languages of behavior will exist.  Familiarity and informality 
characterize the language of behavior of the back region.  In this region, performers will 
be comfortable to express opinions, either personal or about the performance, use 
nicknames and engage in questionable behavior, such as smoking (Goffman 1959), or the 
telling of illicit jokes or life experiences.  Formality and a lack of familiarity characterize 
the language behavior of the front region.  Within the front region, any behavior, which 
might be offensive to the audience or other actors, is prohibited.  Any form of informal 
behavior, which might be appropriate for the back region, will be considered 
disrespectful in the front. 
 In response to this model of language behavior, Goffman (1959) suggests three 
common limitations of back region informality.  First, Goffman (1959: 129-130) 
discusses ?trust and loyalty.?  While occupying the back region, an actor will perform for 
his teammates in a way which will ensure them of his loyalty and trustfulness.  This will 
be displayed by not disclosing any of the team?s secrets to the audience or outsiders and 
by reassuring them of his performance techniques and talents.  An actor may elicit this 
 45
assurance by reiterating his worthiness and value to the performance.  Second, Goffman 
(1959: 129-130) discusses ?morale.?  While occupying the back region it may be 
necessary for an actor to boost his own morale as well as the morale of his teammates.  It 
may also be necessary for an actor to encourage, praise and compliment his fellow actors 
in an attempt to also encourage, praise and compliment the performance in general, 
whether in the past or of the future.  The success of a performance may rely on the 
attitudes of the actors towards themselves and the performance in general.  Third, 
Goffman (1959: 129-130) discusses ?diversity.?  Many back region limitations may exist 
based purely on the social diversity of the actors that may be present.  Social diversity, 
involving age, sex, ethnicity, etc., will cause discretionary limits of social interaction to 
emerge.  Whereas this fact may lead to restrictions of familiarity, it will not eliminate it.  
 Goffman (1959: 135) suggests that a third region, a residual region, exists which 
is neither front nor back.  This region, consisting of all places other than the two already 
identified, may be called the ?outside.?  The notion of an outside region ?conforms to our 
common-sense notion of social establishments, for when we look at most buildings we 
find within them rooms that are regularly or temporarily used as front regions and back 
regions, and we find that the outer walls of the building cut both types of rooms off from 
the outside world.  Those individuals who are on the outside of the establishment we may 
call ?outsiders?? (Goffman 1959: 135). 
 While the existence of an outside is both essential and functional, unless handled 
correctly it may misinform and confuse those for which the performance is intended as 
well as those for which the performance was not intended.  ?Those who are outside will 
be persons for whom the actors actually or potentially puts on a show, but a show 
 46
different from, or all too similar to, the one in progress.  When outsiders unexpectedly 
enter the front or back region of a particular performance-in-progress, the consequence of 
their inopportune presence can often best be studied not in terms of its effects upon the 
performance-in-progress, but rather in terms of its effects upon a different performance, 
namely, the one which the actors or the audience would ordinarily present before the 
outsiders at a time and place when the outsiders would be the anticipated audience? 
(Goffman 1959: 135). 
As mentioned previously, as a performance technique, actors will attempt to 
maintain the impression that the ?performance in which they are engaged in at the 
moment is their only performance or at least their most important one? (Ritzer 2004: 
360).  In addition, actors will also transmit the impression that there is a unique quality to 
their performance as well as their connection to the audience (Ritzer 2004).  When an 
outsider witnesses a show that they were not meant to see or was not intended for them, 
they may become disillusioned and cynical about this show as well as about the show that 
was originally intended for them.  To combat this problem of disillusionment, actors 
segregate their audiences.  This segregation will ensure that the audience who observes 
the actor in one role will not be the audience who observes that actor in another role 
(Goffman 1959).   
Goffman (1959: 137-138) suggests a means of front region control to segregate 
the audience and prevent this disillusionment.  He suggests two performance techniques 
unique to front region control.  Audience segregation will be the first technique employed 
by actors.  Just as it is essential for the actor to exclude audiences who see him in one role 
which is inconsistent with another role presented, it will be also essential for the actor to 
 47
?exclude from the audience those before whom he performed in the past a show 
inconsistent with the current one? (Goffman 1959: 137-138).  Using these two techniques 
of audience segregation coupled with the proper scheduling of one?s performance, it may 
be possible to gain and regain control of the front region in such a way as to prevent any 
disillusionment or cynicism. 
 If front region control should fail, audience segregation will also fail as a result.  
If an outsider observes a performance not intended for him, problems in impression 
management may arise.  In event that this may occur, Goffman (1959: 139-140) suggests 
two accommodative techniques in dealing with the possibility of impression failure:  
First, if an outsider should arrive, the audience and the actor will be forced to change the 
tone of the performance.  The actor, in reacting to this outsider, will award audience 
members and outsiders alike a ?temporary backstage status? that will enable a shifting of 
the performance to one that will be fitting to all witnesses.  Second, if an outsider should 
arrive, the audience and the actor will be forced to admit their mistake of not inviting him 
or her in the first place and should welcome the outsider warmly.  The audience and the 
actor will adapt to the arrival by suggesting that it was an oversight that the outsider was 
not there all along.  The original performance will continue, but will be molded as to 
include the outsider. 
Discrepant Roles 
The sole purpose of any performance is to maintain the actor?s definition of the 
situation.  Accomplishing this will involve both front region control and the concealment 
of destructive information from the audience.  Destructive information may involve ?the 
over-communication of some facts and the under-communication of others? (Goffman 
 48
1959: 141).  Thus, the practice of information control is employed to prevent destructive 
information from disrupting or discrediting the performance.   
In light of this information, Goffman (1959: 141) suggests that ?a team of actors? 
may also be defined as a sort of ?secret society,? and that this ?secret society? is formed 
in reaction to the possibility of destructive information for the purpose of information 
control.  In order to maintain its intended purpose it is imperative that ?a team must be 
able to keep its secrets and have its secrets kept? (Goffman 1959: 141). 
 A team?s secrets will be based upon two criteria: ?the function the secret performs 
and the relation of the secret to the conception others have about the possessor? (Goffman 
1959: 141).  Goffman (1959) suggests the possibility of five types of secrets.  First, there 
is what Goffman (1959) calls dark secrets.  Dark secrets are those facts which conceal an 
incompatible or undesirable image of the team, which goes against the impression they 
are striving to maintain before the audience.  Secondly, there is what Goffman (1959) 
calls strategic secrets. Strategic secrets are those intentions which a team conceals in 
order to prevent the audience from predicting the team?s next move.  Thirdly, there is 
what Goffman (1959) calls inside secrets.  Inside secrets are those privileged facts only 
known by other teammates.  These facts mark an individual actor as part of the team and 
differentiate those actors as separate from the outside.  The possibility that one team 
could possess the secrets of another team leads Goffman (1959: 143) to the distinction 
between the final two types of secrets: entrusted secrets and free secrets.  Entrusted 
secrets are those which the actor is obligated to keep in order to show his loyalty and 
trustworthiness to the team.  Free secrets are those which do not belong to the actor so 
they may be presented openly without disrupting the credibility of the impression being 
 49
maintained by the actor ?in the know? of this secret.  An actor may acquire free secrets 
by ?discovery, involuntary disclosure, indiscreet admissions and retransmission? 
(Goffman 1959: 143).  
 The successful execution of information control, guarding against the uncovering 
of such secrets, is dependent upon the information possessed about the three roles 
involved in the performance: the actor, the audience, and outsiders.  Consequently, if the 
region were known of which the actor had access, it would be known of the information 
the actor possessed as well as the role being played by that actor (Goffman 1959).  
To employ information control, Goffman (1959: 144) suggests understanding the 
congruence of these three crucial roles in their ?function, information possessed and 
regions of access.?  Actors (those who perform) are aware of both the impression they 
transmit to the audience and other actors as well as of the destructive information they 
possess about the performance or other actor?s impressions.  Actors have access and 
appear in both the front region and back region.  The audience (those performed to) are 
aware of the impression being transmitted as well as the potentially destructive 
information being concealed.  The audience may only have access and appear in the front 
region.  Outsiders (who neither perform nor observe) are aware of neither the impression 
being transmitted nor the potentially destructive information being concealed.  Outsiders 
may have access to neither the front region nor the back region. 
However, congruence among the function, information possessed and accessible 
regions of these three crucial roles is rarely complete.  ?Additional points of vantage 
relative to the performance develop which complicate the simple relation among 
function, information and place? (Goffman 1959: 145).  These vantage points are so 
 50
frequently taken and their significance to the performance becomes so closely implied 
that they transform into roles of their own, or what Goffman (1959) calls, discrepant 
roles. 
Goffman (1959) suggests ten examples of discrepant roles.  First, Goffman (1959: 
145) suggests the role of the informer.  An informer is one who pretends to be an actor to 
ensure trust from the team.  This ?pretend actor? will gain access to the back region 
through this trust to acquire destructive information about the team.  He will then overtly 
or inertly inform the audience of the information gained by his back region access in 
order to spoil the performance.  Goffman (1959: 145) suggests there exist two types of 
informers:  traitors and spies.  A traitor is one who ensures the trust of the team in a 
sincere manner with no ?premeditated plan of disclosing its secrets? (Goffman 1959: 
145).  A spy is one who ensures the trust of the team with the intention of gaining access 
to privileged information in which to sell out the team to the audience.  Second, Goffman 
(1959) suggests the role of the shill.  A shill is one who acts as a member of the audience, 
but is in reality in an alliance with the actors.  A shill may provide one of two services for 
actors involved in the performance:  1) The shill may act as a model audience member in 
an attempt to elicit the type of response from the audience desired by the actors, or 2) The 
shill may act as a model audience member in attempt to provide the type of audience 
response crucial for the development of a particular scene.  Third, Goffman (1959) 
suggests the role of the spotter.  A spotter is one who verifies the standards an actor must 
maintain in order to ensure that transmitted impressions are congruent with reality.  
Fourth, Goffman (1959) suggests the role of the shopper.  A shopper is one who employs 
an inconspicuous role in the audience in order to gain information about the performance.  
 51
The shopper will, in turn, use this information to inform the competition of elements in 
the actor?s show.  Fifth, Goffman (1959) suggests the role of the go-between or mediator.  
A go-between is one who has loyalties to both the actors and the audience.  A go-between 
will learn the secrets of both the actors and the audience by expressing confidence that 
these secrets will not be revealed to the other.  Sixth, Goffman (1959) suggests the role of 
the non-person.  A non-person is one who is present during the performance but does not 
act in it nor observe it.  In addition, a non-person will not disguise their true role, as an 
informer, shill or spotter might do. 
The four remaining roles consist of individuals not present during a performance.  
These individuals are neither actors nor audience members, but possess information about 
the performance being given (Goffman 1959).  Seventh, Goffman (1959: 153-155) 
suggests the role of the service specialist.  A service specialist is one who ?constructs, 
repairs and maintenances? (Goffman 1959: 153-155), the performance given by his 
clients.  There are several ways in which service specialists are both similar to and 
dissimilar from the actors of a team.  They are similar to actors of a team in that they 
learn secrets of the performance through back region access.  Unlike actors of a team, 
however, a service specialist ?does not share the risk, guilt, or satisfaction of presenting 
before an audience the performance to which he has contributed? (Goffman 1959: 153-
155).  Also, unlike actors of a team, service specialists are privy to the secrets of the 
team, but do not disclose either secrets or information about themselves with either the 
audience or the team.  It is through this context that professional ethics can be understood 
to ?oblige the service specialist to show ?discretion,? i.e. not to give away a performance 
whose secrets his duties have made him privy to? (Goffman 1959: 153-155).  Eighth, 
 52
Goffman (1959: 159) suggests the role of the confidant.  A confidant is one who counsels 
the actors of a team.  These are ?persons to whom the actor confesses his sins, freely 
detailing the sense in which the impression given during a performance was merely an 
impression? (Goffman 1959: 159).  Typically, confidants remain outside of the 
performance and possess knowledge of the performance only through actors? accounts.  
Ninth, Goffman (1959) suggests the role of the colleague.  A colleague is one who may 
act out a performance uniform to the one in-progress, but this performance is not 
conducted as a collaboration nor is it conducted at the same time and location.  Tenth, as 
a sub-group of colleagues, Goffman (1959: 164-165) suggests the role of the renegade.  
?Just as some persons are thought to cause difficulty by making too much of their 
colleagueship, so others cause trouble by not making enough of it.  It is always possible 
for a disaffected colleague to turn renegade and sell out to the audience of the act that his 
onetime brethren are still performing? (Goffman 1959: 164-165).  A renegade is one who 
separates themselves from the colleagueship by taking a moral stance.  Renegades 
promote the truth of the ideals in their roles, rather than the actors who are falsely 
presenting them. 
Communication Out of Character 
As mentioned previously, when two teams interact they will both strive to 
maintain the line agreed upon by their team and persist in the particular character of that 
line throughout the performance.  If this line maintenance is to be achieved both teams 
will be forced to suppress backstage familiarity and find a balance between formality and 
informality on stage (Goffman 1959).  In the occurrence of line maintenance failure, both 
the line and the character of a team may be lost. 
 53
If a disruption to a performance should occur, especially at a time when a 
misidentification of impression is exposed, a portrayed character may temporarily 
collapse.  This collapse will take place when the actor behind the character ?forgets 
himself and blurts out a relatively unperformed exclamation? (Goffman 1959: 168-169).  
This ?unperformed exclamation? may serve as an actor?s admittance that he has 
temporarily placed himself in a position in which it is obvious that ?no performed 
character can be sustained? (Goffman 1959: 168-169).  These unperformed exclamations 
represent a form of what Goffman (1959) terms communication out of character. 
Communication out of character ?demonstrates that while an actor may act as if 
his response in a situation were immediate, unthinking and spontaneous, and while he 
himself may think this to be the case, still it will always be possible for situations to arise 
in which he will convey to one or two individuals present the understanding that the show 
he is maintaining is only and merely a show? (Goffman 1959: 169).  The occurrence of 
communication out of character provides an arena for the examining of performance in 
terms of teams and potential performance disruptions (Goffman 1959). 
Communication out of character may then be defined as types of communication 
in which the actor engages, either intentionally or unintentionally, which transmits an 
impression which is incompatible or contrary to the impression officially maintained by 
the team  (Goffman 1959).  Goffman (1959) suggests four types of communication out of 
character exist.  First, Goffman (1959: 170-175) suggests treatment of the absent.  When 
the members of a team employ the back region of a performance, where they cannot be 
seen or heard by the audience, teammates will tend to derogate the audience.  This 
derogation will be conducted in a way which is contradictory to the impression given on 
 54
stage while in front of the audience.  Goffman (1959) further depicts the two most 
common techniques of derogating: mock role-playing and uncomplimentary terms of 
reference.  Mock role-playing will occur in the region where the audience normally 
resides, but is not present at the time because they have already departed or have not 
arrived as of yet.  In this region actors will perform a ?satire? of their performance to the 
?pretend? audience.  This will be conducted in such a way that some actors will play 
themselves and others will play the role of the audience.  Uncomplimentary terms of 
reference are characterized by ?a consistent difference between terms of reference and 
terms of address? (Goffman 1959: 170-175).  In the presence of the audience, actors will 
use more formal and favorable forms of address for them.  In the absence of the audience, 
however, actors will use more informal and sometimes unfavorable terms of address, 
such as ?bare surname, first name, nickname, or slight pronunciation of full name? 
(Goffman 1959: 170-175).  Techniques of derogation have been crucial in pointing out 
that, ?verbally, individuals are treated relatively well to their faces and relatively badly 
behind their backs? (Goffman 1959: 170-175).  Second, Goffman (1959: 175-176) 
suggests staging talk.  In the absence of the audience, actors will often be found to 
discuss issues in staging.  Such issues may include: ?conditions of sign-equipment; 
stands, lines and positions; merits and demerits of available front regions; size and 
character of possible audiences; past performance disruptions? (Goffman 1959: 175-176); 
possible future disruptions; news of colleagues; receptions to past performances; mistakes 
and errors; and morale strengthening.  Third, Goffman (1959: 177, 186-187) suggests 
team collusion.  Team collusion may be defined as any ?collusive communication? which 
is cautiously conveyed in such a way as to prevent a threat to the impression that is being 
 55
transmitted to the audience.  Goffman (1959) suggests two types of team collusion: 
staging cues and derisive collusion.  Staging cues may be defined as a system of covert 
signs through which actors secretly obtain or convey information which is crucial to the 
success of a performance.  Staging cues foster a relationship between those actors 
conducting a performance and others assisting or serving backstage.  Derisive collusion 
involves communication which functions to verify for the actor the fact that ?he does not 
really hold with the working consensus, that the show he puts on is only a show, thereby 
providing himself with at least a private defense against the claims made by the 
audience? (Goffman 1959: 177, 186-187).  Derisive collusion is communication which 
occurs most commonly between an actor and himself, but may also occur between fellow 
actors when conducting a performance collaboratively.  Fourth, Goffman (1959: 190) 
suggests realigning actions.  Actors may realign actions when they are disgruntled with 
the ?working consensus.?  Actors will speak out of character in such a way that they will 
be heard by the audience but will not endanger the honor of the team or the social 
distance between them.  These momentary and unauthorized realignments may often be 
aggressive in nature and upset the relationship of team collusion. 
Arts of Impression Management 
Goffman (1959: 210) defines the arts of impression management as oriented 
toward guarding against a series of unexpected actions.  Unexpected actions are sources 
of embarrassment or discord among teammates which can function to disrupt a 
performance.  Unexpected actions are ?typically unintended by the actor who is 
responsible for making them and which would be avoided were the actor to know in 
advance the consequences of his activity? (Goffman 1959: 210).  Goffman (1959: 
 56
208,360) suggests that there are four types of unexpected actions: unintended gestures, 
inopportune intrusions, faux pas and scenes.  These four and many other performance 
disruptions are which the techniques of impression management function to avoid.   
By unmeant gestures, Goffman (1959: 208-209) suggests that the actor must 
perform with meaningful accountability, since any minor or unintentional act could stand 
to transmit inappropriate impressions at any time.  The individual actor ?held responsible 
for contributing an unmeant gesture may chiefly discredit his own performance by this, a 
teammate?s performance, or the performance being staged by his audience? (Goffman 
1959: 208-209). 
By inappropriate intrusions, Goffman (1959: 209) suggests when an outsider or 
audience member inadvertently enters a region in which they should not have access, 
such as a back region, or a performance in which they should not have admittance, the 
intruder is likely to catch the actors of that region ?flagrante delicto.?  Consequently, the 
actors present in that region will be aware that they have been ?witnessed in activity that 
is quite incompatible with the impression that they are, for wider social reasons, under 
obligation to maintain for the intruder? (Goffman 1959: 209). 
By faux pas, Goffman (1959: 210) suggests that activity from an actor?s past or 
current life may contain facts which, if were known by the audience, would disrupt or 
weaken the impression being transmitted about the definition of the situation being 
performed.  ?These facts may involve well-kept dark secrets or negatively-valued 
characteristics that everyone can see but no one refers to.  When such facts are 
introduced, embarrassment is the usual result? (Goffman 1959: 210). 
 57
By scenes, Goffman (1959: 210) suggests that situations may arise in which an 
individual actor performs in such a way as to discredit or disclaim the appearance of 
accord between fellow actors or actors and the audience.  While this discrediting may not 
be deliberate, it will be known to the actor that performing in such a way could result in 
discord.  Goffman (1959) suggests several instances in which a scene could occur.  First, 
a scene may occur when teammates can no longer tolerate each other?s incompetent 
performing and may publicly criticize those to which they feel disrupt team collaboration 
(Goffman 1959).  Second, a scene may occur when the audience can no longer tolerate 
the actor?s performance and confront the actor ?with facts or expressive acts which each 
team knows will be unacceptable? (Goffman 1959: 211).  Third, a scene may occur when 
two actors are engaged in such a passionate interaction that their heated performance 
engages the attention of nearby individuals who are then forced to bear witness to the 
performance or become involved in it (Goffman 1959).  Fourth, a scene may occur in 
which an actor commits so sincerely to a particular stance, that were this stance denied by 
the audience, the actor would have no escape from the resulting embarrassment of the 
denial.  For this reason, actors make sure that their stance is the kind of which is likely to 
be approved by the audience (Goffman 1959). 
Goffman?s (1959: 212) four unexpected actions as well as other various 
disruptions are often called the ?incidents of dramaturgy?. When an ?incident? occurs, 
the definition of the situation fostered by the actors is endangered.  Individuals who 
witness an incident are likely to respond by becoming ?flustered, ill at ease, embarrassed, 
nervous, and the like? (Goffman 1959: 212).  When the actors perceive these responses of 
 58
embarrassment, the definition of the situation that is supported by the performance is 
likely to be further endangered. 
In order to avoid the occurrence of incidents and the resulting embarrassment, it 
will be necessary for the actors of a performance, as well as those who assist or observe, 
?to possess certain attributes and to express these attributes in practices employed for 
saving the show? (Goffman 1959: 212).  These attributes are viewed from three 
standpoints: 1)  The defensive measures used by actors to save their own show; 2)  The 
protective measures used by the audience and outsiders to assist the actors in saving the 
show; and 3)  The measures the actors must take in order to make it possible for the 
audience and outsiders to employ protective measures on the actors? behalf (Goffman 
1959: 212). 
Concerning defensive measures used by actors to save their own show, Goffman 
(1959: 212-229) suggests three attributes that are crucial if actors wish to save their show 
from embarrassment: loyalty, discipline and circumspection.  First, Goffman defines 
dramaturgical loyalty as ?a set of methods involving actions aimed at fostering high in-
group loyalty, preventing team members from identifying with the audience and changing 
audiences periodically so that they do not become too knowledgeable about the actors? 
(Ritzer 2004: 361).  Goffman (1959) suggests a key problem of dramaturgical loyalty, 
however.  It may be possible for an actor to become so emotionally involved with the 
audience that the actor discloses to them consequences of the impressions they are being 
given.  This emotional involvement will betray the team as well as the definition of the 
situation.  Goffman (1959: 214-215) suggests two preventative techniques that can assist 
an actor in avoiding this disloyalty.  First, actors may avoid disloyalty by fostering a 
 59
?high in-group solidarity? between teammates.  They may also create a backstage image 
of the audience making them less available for ?emotional and moral? support.  Second, 
actors may avoid disloyalty by changing audiences so sporadically that an affectual bond 
will not have a chance to develop. 
Second, Goffman defines dramaturgical discipline as ?having the presence of 
mind to avoid slips, maintain self-control, and manage the facial expressions and verbal 
tone of one?s performance? (Ritzer 2004: 361).  Goffman (1959) suggests the purpose of 
dramaturgical discipline is the management of one?s physical and emotional 
performance.  This type of discipline is a vital test of one?s acting ability.  An actor must 
be competent to conceal inappropriate emotional responses and display appropriate ones 
all the while maintaining the front physically that this internal decision-making is not 
taking place. 
Third, Goffman defines dramaturgical circumspection as ?determining in advance 
how a performance should go, planning for emergencies, selecting loyal teammates, 
choosing proper audiences, being involved in small teams where dissensions are unlikely, 
making only brief appearances, preventing audience access to private information and 
settling on a complete agenda to prevent unforeseen occurrences? (Ritzer 2004: 361).  
Concerning the protective measures used by the audience and outsiders to assist the 
actors in saving the actors? show, Goffman (1959: 229) suggests that some of the most 
self-protective techniques of show saving have a correspondence in the discreet tendency 
of the audience and outsiders to act in a defensive manner in order to assist the actors in 
saving their own show.   
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Goffman (1959: 229-233) describes five aspects of the audience and outsiders? 
protective practices: 1) Members of the audience and outsiders alike ?voluntarily? refrain 
from entering into regions to which they have no open-invitation.  But if one of these 
individuals should find that they are about to enter such a region, ?they often give those 
already present some warning, in the form of a message, knock, or cough, so that the 
intrusion can be put off if necessary or the setting hurriedly put back in order and proper 
expressions fixed on the faces of those present? (Goffman 1959: 229-233).  2) In the 
event that a performance must proceed before the uninvited, particularly an outsider, 
those uninvited will ?tactfully act in an uninterested, uninvolved, unperceiving fashion, 
so that if physical isolation is not obtained by walls or distance, effective isolation can at 
least be obtained by convention? (Goffman 1959: 229-233).  3) ?Once the audience has 
been admitted to a performance, the necessity of being tactful does not cease? (Goffman 
1959: 229-233).  There is an ?elaborate etiquette by which individuals guide themselves 
in their capacity as members of the audience? (Goffman 1959: 229-233).  This involves: 
the giving of a proper amount of attention and interest; a willingness to hold in check 
one?s own performance so as not to introduce too many contradictions, interruptions, or 
demands for attention; the inhibition of all acts or statements that might create a faux pas; 
and the desire, above all, to avoid a scene.  4) If an actor should make a mistake of some 
kind, transmitting a inconsistency between the impression wanted and impression 
performed, ?the audience may tactfully ?not see? the slip or readily accept the excuse that 
is offered for it? (Goffman 1959: 229-233).  Finally, 5) When an actor is ?known to be a 
beginner, and more subject than otherwise to embarrassing mistakes, the audience 
frequently shows extra consideration, refraining from causing the difficulties it might 
 61
otherwise create? (Goffman 1959: 229-233).  Members of audiences and outsiders alike 
are forced to act diplomatically because of their identification with the actor.  They may 
choose to act tactfully, however, to avoid a scene or to curry favor with the actors for the 
?purpose of exploitation? (Goffman 1959).   
Concerning the measures the actors must take in order to make it possible for the 
audience and outsiders to employ protective measures on the actors? behalf, Goffman 
(1959: 234) implies that the audience and outsiders contribute significantly to the success 
of a show by ?exercising tact or protective practices? on the behalf of the actors.  As it is 
essential that if the audience and outsiders are to utilize tact on the actors? behalf, the 
actors, in turn, must perform in such a way as to make the ?rendering of this assistance 
possible? (Goffman 1959: 234).  This utilization of tact will require both discipline and 
circumspection on the part of the actors receiving assistance.  Goffman (1959: 234) 
suggests two strategies regarding ?tact with respect to tact.?  First, the actors must be 
receptive to the audience and outsiders? ?hints? and ready to receive them.  This 
reception will be essential in that these ?hints? will allow the audience and outsiders to 
inform the actor if his show is found undesirable.  If these ?hints? are perceived then 
actors may alter or amend the show in order to save it.  Secondly, if actors are to lie or 
?misrepresent facts in any way, they must do so in accordance with the etiquette for 
misrepresentation; they must not leave themselves in a position from which even the 
lamest excuse and the most co-operative audience cannot extricate them? (Goffman 
1959: 234). 
Chapter 3, Methodology, details the research design of this thesis.  The data 
collection process (participant-observation, specifically the role of complete participant), 
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and method of analysis (utilization of the metaphor, dramaturgical analysis) are discussed 
as well as their advantages and disadvantages.  In addition, specificities of the research 
design are also presented: 1) the nature of the sampling frame and final research sample 
and 2) the time frame of field research. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 63
III. METHODOLOGY 
 
For the purpose of this thesis, the Lee County Flea Market, located in East 
Alabama, was investigated using participant-observation, the methodological approach 
most commonly used in the practice of field research.  Uncontrolled and unobtrusive 
participant-observation was employed through the role of complete-participant.  Any 
individual present in the flea market setting (flea market buyer, flea market seller, flea 
market manager) during an observation day was anonymously observed as part of the 
participant population.  Data collected through this method was validated against 
concepts of Erving Goffman?s Theory of Dramaturgy, a methodology that utilizes the 
metaphor of drama and theater to interpret human behavior in everyday life (Turner and 
Edgley 1976).  The validation of these concepts elicited significant findings to the 
research problem: The types and functions of social interaction found in the flea market 
setting, in hopes of gaining new insight into patterns of social interaction of everyday life.  
This dramaturgical analysis was the foundation upon which all sociological conclusions 
and recommendations for future research were based. 
Dramaturgical Analysis 
Dramaturgical analysis is a truly unique research tool by which to study social 
interaction.  ?The notion that life is rather like a theater, of actors playing their parts to 
audiences, sometimes within the bounds of roles, and sometimes with considerable 
distance from them, is an ancient metaphor recently resurrected by social psychology as a 
 64
device for analyzing behavior? (Turner and Edgley 1976: 377-378).  In the context in 
which it will be applied and for the purpose of this thesis, Goffman defines the aim of 
dramaturgical analysis as: ?to simply uncover the various manipulations by which people 
alter their audiences? perceptions of them? (Ritzer 2005: 221).  This dramaturgical 
analysis constituted the framework in which social interaction found in the flea market 
setting was studied, analyzed and summarized.   
Similar to all other methodologies of the social sciences, the utilization of the 
metaphor (dramaturgical analysis) as a research tool has both advantages and 
disadvantages.  The first advantage of the utilization of the metaphor is that metaphors 
make socially constructed reality appear eccentric and extraordinary, thereby testing and 
re-testing ?commonsensical and taken-for-granted ideas? (Manning 1991: 78).  Viewing 
Goffman?s dramaturgical analysis in this way will compel social science scholars to 
reevaluate everyday interaction, to reconsider ?mundane? social events as perhaps 
surprising.  The second advantage of the utilization of the metaphor is that metaphors 
?suggest more than passing resemblances between apparently different things? (Manning 
1991: 78).  That is, metaphors construct ?semantic maps to the social world? (Manning 
1991: 78).  The construction of these semantic maps will allow for the extension of 
research to new subjects while still developing diverse aspects of the metaphor.  Viewing 
Goffman?s dramaturgical analysis in this way, while studying the use of scripts by actors 
in everyday interaction, it will also be feasible to study ?the extent to which this is done, 
how it is done, the difference between scripts, and so on? (Manning 1991: 78).  The third 
advantage of the utilization of the metaphor is that metaphors can be used ?twice.?  That 
is, metaphors can be used in terms of factors they expose of social reality and also in 
 65
terms of inadequacies they expose as models of social reality.  Through this double 
utilization, metaphors have the potential to create new ?insights and questions? about the 
consequent double utilization of social reality itself.  Viewing dramaturgical analysis as a 
method of double utilization, Goffman desired his metaphor to be used as a ?guide? of 
social reality and then as a ?falsification? of it (Manning 1991).  In addition, the use of 
metaphors by social scientists ?undermines the idea that their work has the objectivity of 
mathematics and emphasizes the fact that sociology is forged from an uneasy 
combination of meanings; some of these meanings derive from the people who are being 
studied, others from sociologists themselves? (Manning 1991: 78). 
In contrast, one disadvantage of using the metaphor in social science research is 
that ?metaphors, by definition, are literally absurd, and thus require the indulgence of all 
concerned? (Manning 1991: 78-79).  However persuasive a metaphor may seem to be, it 
will always remain a ?category error,? a fascinating uncertainty.  Thus, suspicion is 
placed on the strength of a study involving the metaphor as its research tool, even if the 
metaphor is doubly utilized.  A second disadvantage of using the metaphor in social 
science research is that results of a metaphor-based study cannot be proved or disproved.  
For this reason, results will have little scientific validity.  For example, how could one 
prove Goffman?s own metaphorical theater as ?true? or ?false??  Metaphorical research 
tools are, therefore, interpreted as according to one?s own perception of believability 
(Manning 1991). 
Taking into consideration both the advantages and disadvantages of the utilization 
of Goffman?s dramaturgical analysis, metaphors may be characterized as only ?partial 
descriptions? of social reality.  These ?partial descriptions,? in turn, validate the 
 66
possibility of the existence of other descriptions and that they may be nonetheless also 
noteworthy (Manning 1991). 
Participant-Observation 
Participant-observation entails the researcher?s attempt to form either a 
membership in or close association with the group of subjects under study.  In doing so, 
the researcher not only observes, but attempts to grasp, and in some cases adopt, the 
perspectives of the subjects in their natural setting (Frankfort-Nachmias and Nachmias 
2000).  In the field setting, two roles of participant-observation may be taken by the 
researcher, complete participant and participant-as-observer.  For the purpose of this 
thesis, uncontrolled and unobtrusive participant-observation was employed through the 
role of complete participant.   
 If a research study lends itself to the role of complete participant, the researcher 
will not only be ?wholly concealed,? but the research objectives and goals will be also 
concealed or unknown to those being observed. Although unidentified, the researcher 
will still attempt to become a member in the group under study (Frankfort-Nachmias and 
Nachmias 2000: 258), but will neither disrupt nor disturb the everyday behavior of the 
group and will blend in with and preserve the natural setting as much as possible. 
The method of complete participant has been ethically warranted on the argument 
that only this role makes it possible to investigate ?inaccessible? individuals or 
individuals ?that do not reveal to outsiders certain aspects of their lives? (Frankfort-
Nachmias and Nachmias 2000: 259).  However valid this argument may be, this method 
of data collection still poses several methodological problems.  First, it may be possible 
that the researcher becomes so engrossed in his or her concealment ?that they are 
 67
handicapped when attempting to perform convincingly in the pretended role? (Frankfort-
Nachmias and Nachmias 2000: 259).  Second, while assuming this role, it is imperative 
that the researcher does not prompt reactions or behaviors or pose questions that might 
raise ?suspicion? in those subjects under study.  Because of this limitation, it is 
oftentimes difficult for the researcher to select exactly what to observe.  Third, to 
maintain role concealment, the recording of data while in the field setting will need to be 
concealed.  Thus, the journaling of observations will have to be completed once the 
researcher is absent from those that he or she is studying.  This fact may create yet 
another limitation for the researcher; lapses in time between observation and recording 
may introduce both ?selective biases? and ?memory distortions? into research findings 
which could possibly contaminate the study?s validity (Frankfort-Nachmias and 
Nachmias 2000: 260).  In view of these limitations, some field researchers may chose to 
adopt the role of participant-as-observer.   
 If a research investigation lends itself to the role of participant-as-observer, those 
under study will be informed of the research agenda (objectives and goals) prior to 
observation.  Thus, the participant-as-observer role differs from the complete participant 
role in that both the researcher and research agenda are openly identified with subjects 
under study.  By employing this method, the researcher ?gains a deeper appreciation of 
the group and its way of life and may also gain deeper levels of insight by actually 
participating rather than only observing? (Frankfort-Nachmias and Nachmias 2000: 260).  
Aside from this major difference, gaining membership in and forming close associations 
with the group of subjects under study will be an essential function of this 
methodological approach, as it is with the role of complete participant.   
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Sampling Frame/Research Sample 
 For the purpose of this thesis, all flea market settings located in Lee County, 
Alabama constituted the sampling frame from which a final research sample was drawn.   
Within cities located in Lee County, Alabama, (Auburn, Opelika, Smiths, Waverly and 
Loachapoka), a total of five flea market settings exist.  These five flea market settings 
constituted the sampling frame for this thesis: Auburn, AL: Farmville Flea Market at the 
Auburn Covered Arena; Opelika, AL: Angel?s Antique and Flea Mall; Bargain Corner; 
and Station Point Flea Market; And, Smiths, AL: Lee County Flea Market Inc. 
 Because the direction of this thesis necessitated observation of social interaction 
between flea market buyers and flea market sellers, three of the five flea market settings 
were excluded.  Angel?s Antique and Flea Mall, Bargain Corner and Station Point Flea 
Market were excluded from the final research sample because they lacked individual 
sellers and were structured in a way more similar to a conventional retail store.  In 
addition, it was discovered that the Farmville Flea Market at the Auburn Covered Arena 
was no longer in operation and so was also excluded from the final research sample.  
Excluding these four, the nature of the final research sample for this thesis included: the 
Lee County Flea Market Inc. in Smiths, AL and so this thesis took on characteristics of a 
case study approach. 
Time Frame of Research Design  
The Lee County Flea Market was investigated five times in one-day periods.  It 
was not the intent of this thesis to investigate the trends or changes in social interaction 
within the flea market setting, and for this reason, this thesis provided elements of a 
cross-sectional analysis.   
 69
All field research was conducted during the months of July and September 2006.  
The month of July was selected because, according to the reading of relevant literature, 
summer months in Southern flea markets produce larger buyer populations as well as 
larger seller populations.  For the purpose of this thesis, larger buyer and seller 
populations found in the flea market setting provided a larger sampling frame of social 
interaction to be observed.  The month of September was selected as a follow-up 
observation month because the above average temperatures during the month of July 
made it difficult to stay in the flea market setting for longer than a couple of hours at a 
time.  In addition, it was hoped to observe the difference in buyer and seller populations 
between summer seasons and fall seasons in the southeast flea market circuit.  The 
schedule of observation dates was as follows: July 2, 2006, July 8, 2006, July 29, 2006, 
September 17, 2006 and September 23, 2006. 
Chapter 4, Analysis and Discussion of Findings, consists of two parts.  Part I, 
Observations of the Lee County Flea Market, contains transcribed and essay-formatted 
field notes.  Information provided in this section includes: general information about the 
Lee County Flea Market, specific observation dates and applicable field notes.  Part II, 
Dramaturgical Applications to Flea Market Processes, presents an overview of research 
analyses as well as a discussion of relevant findings.  The structural framework of this 
chapter was modeled after Ronny E. Turner and Charles Edgley?s 1976 publication, 
?Death as Theater: A Dramaturgical Analysis of the American Funeral.?  In Turner and 
Edgley?s (1976) publication, ten aspects characteristic of the American funeral are 
discussed as relating to ten aspects of Erving Goffman?s Theory of Dramaturgy.  These 
ten aspects include: The Performative Nature of Funeral Directing, Role Distance: The 
 70
Sacred and the Profane, Backstage Regions: Preparation and Rehearsal, The Backstage 
Setting, The Rhetoric of Backstage Regions, Frontstage Performances: Bringing Off the 
Show, Controlling the Situation: The Cast of Characters, The Funeral Home as Theater 
and Stage, Establishing the Mood and Frontstage Rhetoric and the Denial of Death.  In 
the same manner, this chapter consists of a discussion of aspects characteristic of the Lee 
County Flea Market as related to aspects of Erving Goffman?s Theory of Dramaturgy.    
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 71
IV. APPLICATION AND DISCUSSION 
PART I: Observations of the Lee County Flea Market 
 The Lee County Flea Market is located in Smiths, Alabama (on Highway 431 
North and 280 West at Lee County Road 379).  This flea market serves not only residents 
of Central Alabama and the Columbus, Georgia area, but attracts tourists from around the 
southeast and sellers from around the country, especially with its added amenity of 
campground accessibility.   
 The Lee County Flea Market is an outdoor venue covering more than a square 
mile with a sheltered section located near the Lee County Road 379 entrance.  
Approximately fifty to one hundred sellers are present every weekend and the average 
attendance ranges between fifteen and twenty-five hundred daily.  This flea market is 
open for business year-round, every Saturday and Sunday of the month, with operating 
hours beginning at six a.m. each day. 
 The Lee County Flea Market is professionally organized.  Seller booths/spaces are 
supervised by Bryant and Ruth Williams, owners and operators, through a management 
office onsite.  Seller rent ranges from three to twelve dollars daily and is determined by: 
square feet of booth/space and location of booth/space, either outdoors or under 
sheltering.   
 Outdoor booths/spaces are reserved on a first-come-first-served basis.  With only 
a limited number of booths provided by management, many sellers opt to bring their own 
 72
display booths, trailers, or tents and set up along the outside edge of the property.  
Sheltered booths/spaces are of two types and are reserved on a more permanent basis.  
The sheltered section is organized in a horse-shoe pattern with two rows of booths, one 
lining the outside and one lining the inside.  The inside lining of booths are the most 
permanent and feature not only a display booth, but also a locked storage space in which 
many sellers store their merchandise during nonbusiness hours.  The outside lining of 
booths are occupied by more semi-permanent sellers with a majority of these sellers not 
storing their merchandise from week to week. 
 For an outdoor venue of its size, the Lee County Flea Market offers a great deal of 
buyer- and seller-friendly amenities.  As mentioned previously, there is a management 
office onsite, as well as two owners/operators on location almost every weekend.  Not 
only is there ample parking, but both parking and admission are free.  In addition, a 
grassy area near the 280 West entrance has been designated a campground for 
RV/Camper parking with easy access to the main highway.  Restrooms are located 
behind the sheltered section and a phone can be easily accessed for emergencies.  While 
there are no paved aisles, the property is level and offers handicap accessibility.  Every 
weekend buyers and sellers have at least three choices of food concessions, with a 
permanent concession found in the sheltered section and the rest outdoors.  Because it is 
primarily an outdoor venue, heating and air conditioning are not available, but each 
sheltered booth does have at least one electrical outlet.  For those sellers with access to an 
assigned booth/space, a display table is provided by management as well as outside 
advertising. 
 73
 Vendors at the Lee County Flea Market sell a wide variety of merchandise.  As 
advertised on the website, ?The Flea Market Hub,? the nature of merchandise sold 
includes: ?new merchandise, housewares, sportswear, antiques, collectibles and 
primitives and farm items? (http://www.keysfleamarket.com/fleamarket/state/alabama.htm).  In 
addition to these and other items of general popularity, as mentioned in Chapter 2, this 
flea market also features many merchandise items consistently week to week: tools (new 
and used); collectible knives and lighters; hunting equipment; cosmetics; handcrafted 
belts, buckles, wallets and jewelry; china; glassware; VHS cassette tapes and DVDs (new 
and used); figurines (mostly Western and Indian motif); hand-stitched purses and tote 
bags; grocery items; sunglasses; watches; shoes and clothing (new and used); children?s 
toys (new and used); personalized bumper stickers, car decals and license plates; framed 
posters and prints; books (new and used); small appliances; house plants; furniture (new 
and antique); oil paintings; original artworks; baby supplies (new and used); pottery, and 
many more.  This flea market also features several items which may be considered 
region-specific, such as: Western d?cor, Dixie motif and hat and t-shirt screen-printing. 
 Not only are many merchandise items featured consistently, but this flea market 
also hosts at least two dozen regular sellers.  These sellers can be found in the same booth 
or space from week to week and season to season.  These ?Lee County regulars? most 
often specialize in a specific merchandise item or can be categorized as ?dealers.?  A 
majority of these ?dealers? are located in the more permanent sheltered booths/spaces, 
but several prefer the outdoor areas.  With very few ?wholesalers? featured at this flea 
market, the remaining sellers can be categorized as ?marketers.?  The ?marketer?s? 
merchandise is a potpourri of items, both new and used, that oftentimes varies weekly.  
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These sellers tend to run a more temporary business and their presence at the Lee County 
Flea Market varies from week to week. 
 As explained in detail in Chapter 3, for the purpose of this thesis the Lee County 
Flea Market was investigated five times in one-day periods during the months of July and 
September 2006.  Arrival time, weather conditions and number of sellers and buyers 
present during each observation day are listed below. 
Observation Day 1   
 The first day of observation was Sunday, July 2, 2006.  Arrival time was 
approximately 12:30 p.m.  Weather conditions were sunny, with no rain forecasted all 
weekend.  At the time of arrival, there were approximately thirty sellers and two hundred 
and fifty buyers present. 
Observation Day 2 
 The second day of observation was Saturday, July 8, 2006.  Arrival time was 
approximately 10:30 a.m.  Weather conditions were sunny, with no rain forecasted all 
weekend.  At the time of arrival, there were approximately one hundred plus sellers and 
one thousand plus buyers present. 
Observation Day 3 
 The third day of observation was Saturday, July 29, 2006.  Arrival time was 
approximately 8:30 a.m.  Weather conditions were sunny, with rain forecasted for the late 
afternoon.  At the time of arrival, there were approximately one hundred plus sellers and 
one thousand plus buyers present.    
 
 
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Observation Day 4 
 The fourth day of observation was Sunday, September 17, 2006.  Arrival time was 
approximately 11:15 a.m.  Weather conditions were sunny, with no rain forecasted all 
weekend.  At the time of arrival, there were approximately one hundred plus sellers and 
one thousand plus buyers present. 
Observation Day 5 
 The fifth day of observation was Saturday, September 23, 2006.  Arrival time was 
approximately 8:30 a.m.  Weather conditions were overcast, with rain forecasted all 
weekend.  At the time of arrival, there were approximately one hundred sellers and five 
hundred to one thousand buyers present. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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PART II: Dramaturgical Applications to Flea Market Processes 
 Thus far this thesis has examined: the few academic research studies pertaining to 
the flea market setting, flea market handbooks and guidebooks published over the last 
thirty years and Erving Goffman?s Theory of Dramaturgy as discussed in detail in his 
book The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life.  This section of ?Application and 
Discussion? involves the weaving together of these three elements with observations 
made in the field setting.  This weaving together was used to create broad application of 
Erving Goffman?s Theory of Dramaturgy to aspects characteristic of the flea market 
setting. 
 With the note that application could not be made to Goffman?s dramaturgical 
themes of ?team? and ?communication out of character,? the remaining four themes are 
discussed below.  These four theoretical concepts, performance, regions and region 
behavior, discrepant roles and impression management, are transformed into: The 
Performative Nature of Flea Marketing (performance), The ?Formalities? and 
?Informalities? of Flea Marketing (regions and region behavior), Discrepancies in Flea  
Marketing (discrepant roles) and ?Defensive? and ?Offensive? Flea Marketing 
(impression management). 
The Performative Nature of Flea Marketing 
 Within the flea market setting, a performance may be defined as any and all 
activity of an individual actor (flea market seller), which occurs before an audience (flea
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market buyer), with the intent to influence that audience for a profit.  The ?cast of 
characters,? therefore, in any flea market ?show? will be as follows: Actors: Flea Market 
Sellers; Audience: Flea Market Buyers; Producers/Directors: Flea Market Managers; and 
Stage: Flea Market Setting. 
 Although any single instance of social interaction may be interpreted as a 
performance, for such interaction to become a fully-developed ?show? (as in a successful 
flea market ?show?) it must complete all five stages of development (Idea Formulation, 
Selection/Creation of an Action Area or Stage, Recruitment of Actors, Enactment and 
Redefinition of the Situation).  These five stages of development may be seen as the five 
acts of the flea market ?show? and are structured in a way similar to a small business 
startup process found in the conventional retail economy. 
 Act One, Idea Formulation, begins with the flea market seller?s motivation for 
entering the flea market business.  This motivation is usually spurred by an idea of a 
merchandise item that the flea market seller believes will be profitable.   
Based on observations in the Lee County Flea Market setting, I gathered that ideas may 
be formulated from: 1) A connection in the wholesale industry, where the flea market 
seller is able to acquire large quantities of an item and believes the resale value to be 
profitable.  Such ?wholesaler? businesses observed at the Lee County Flea Market 
included: socks; towels; sunglasses; t-shirts; hats; medical scrubs; shoes; outdoor 
furniture; car/truck accessories; jewelry; and bakery goods.  2) A carpentry or artistry 
talent to produce hand-crafted merchandise.  Such ?dealer? businesses observed at the 
Lee County Flea Market included: handcrafted jewelry; personalized belts, buckles and 
wallets; hand sewn and personalized tote bags and purses; and screen-printed and 
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airbrushed hats and t-shirts.  Or, 3) Adequate time and resources to collect, fix-up and sell 
others? second-hand goods.  Such ?marketer? businesses observed at the Lee Country 
Flea Market included: antique furniture; glassware and china; refurbished farm 
equipment; lawnmowers and tools; cassette and VHS tapes; used paperback books; 
secondhand clothing, shoes and accessories; housewares; and children?s toys. 
 Idea formulation may be as simplistic as a single image, going into the flea 
market business as a hobby, for fun or for extra income, generally specializing in one 
merchandise item in one flea market setting.  Or, idea formulation may be as complex as 
a script, going into the flea market business with the intention of making it a career, 
specializing in many merchandise items in several flea market circuits.  Flea market 
sellers motivated by a single image idea will generally fall into the ?day sellers? category, 
one who is ?usually just cleaning out his or her attic or garage and disposing of unwanted 
items? (Cooper 1988: 152).  This type of flea market seller is extremely negotiable and is 
generally more concerned with getting rid of unwanted items than making a large profit.  
For example, through conversation I learned that every weekend the owner of a local 
bakery brings unsold items from his store to sell at the Lee County Flea Market.  He sees 
this venture as a weekend hobby, with more social than economic benefits, and so is 
happy to sell at any price rather than throw the unsold items away.  In contrast, flea 
market sellers motivated by a script idea will generally fall into the ?professional sellers? 
category, one who sells at the flea market for the sole purpose of making money (Cooper 
1988: 152).  For example, another conversation with a ?marketer? at the Lee County Flea 
Market revealed that at one time flea marketing for him was just a hobby, selling one 
weekend a month during the summertime, but after seeing his profits elevate enough to 
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support the business full-time, he now ?flea-markets? as a career.  Although most flea 
market sellers fall into one of these two categories, there will be those who are motivated 
by an idea that falls somewhere inbetween, such as a theme or plot. 
 Act Two, Selection/Creation of Action Area or Stage, begins with seeking and 
locating a site for the action area or stage.  Possibilities are limitless of location sites for 
flea market settings: school gymnasiums, community centers, halls, hotels, motels, 
churches, parking lots, open fields, lawns, empty buildings, drive-in movie theaters, 
sports arenas, race tracks, etc.  Potential flea market sellers may most readily locate flea 
market settings in their regional areas by utilizing internet directories, newspaper 
classifieds and local advertising.  After locating regional markets, potential flea market 
sellers will then visit these markets to get an idea of what merchandise items are already 
being sold (prospective competition), what merchandise items would be new or unique to 
the area, if there exists a buyer demand for the type of merchandise he or she wishes to 
sell and so on. 
 Once a flea market setting is chosen (or flea market circuit is chosen for more 
professional sellers), the placement of the seller?s booth/space is crucial to the success of 
his or her new business, because where a seller is located in the flea market is oftentimes 
more important that what he or she is actually selling.  Most flea market sellers would 
consider these to be prime locations in any flea market setting: ?near the main entrance, 
in a covered area, in a regular location? (LaLone et al. 1993: 8-9), ?on a corner or at the 
end of a row with cross aisles, near a food concession, directly across the aisle from the 
entrance to the women?s restroom? (Cooper 1988: 71), ?or in close proximity to parking? 
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(Cooper 1988: 34).  In addition, a seller should also familiarize themselves with high 
traffic areas or the best areas to display his or her specific type of merchandise item. 
 The final step in seeking and locating an action area or stage is to contact flea 
market management on how spaces/booths are distributed and reserved, as well as rental 
amounts.  At the Lee Country Flea Market two types of ?booths/spaces? exist: outdoor 
and sheltered.  Through observation and casual conversation I learned that, outdoor 
booths/spaces are reserved on a first-come-first-served basis.  With only a limited number 
of booths provided by management, many of these sellers opt to bring their own display 
booths, trailers or tents and set up along the outside edge of the property.  High traffic 
times for these ?outdoor? sellers seems to be early in the morning, usually the first four 
hours of each business day and during milder weather conditions.  On the other hand, 
sheltered booths/spaces are of two types and are reserved on a more permanent basis.  
The sheltered section of the Lee Country Flea Market is organized in a horse-shoe pattern 
with two rows of booths, one lining the inside and one lining the outside.  The inside 
lining of booths are the most permanent and feature not only a display booth, but also a 
locked storage space in which many sellers store their merchandise during nonbusiness 
hours.  The outside lining of booths are occupied by more semi-permanent sellers with a 
majority of these sellers not storing their merchandise from week to week.  High traffic 
times for these ?sheltered? sellers seems to be the winding down of each business day 
and during more extreme weather conditions. 
 After the action area or stage location has been secured, the next scene in Act 
Two will be to construct the actual structure.  When contacting flea market management 
on how spaces/booths are allocated and priced, the seller will also inquire about materials 
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provided by management (booth, table, chairs, etc.).  If none are provided, sellers will 
need to buy a display table, trailer or tent in which to exhibit their merchandise. 
 Similarly, in the third and final scene of Act Two, flea market sellers construct 
their ?stage? in a way so as to make provisions for the audience, utilizing display and 
merchandising techniques.  Sellers recognize that their merchandise does not sell itself 
and so utilize various display and merchandising techniques to gain advantages on their 
competition (LaLone et al. 1993: 7).  Such display and merchandising techniques may 
include: 1) Making their merchandise as easily accessible and aesthetically appealing as 
possible, by creating an attractive, eye-catching display.  For example, ?some colors 
attract attention while others tend to blend into the background? (Cooper 1988: 44).  Or 
in some cases, sellers will hang signs over their tables or booths indicating either a 
company name or the nature of merchandise being sold.  An example observed at the Lee 
County Flea Market of such ?merchandising/display techniques? would be the Dixie 
motif booths that fly rebel flags upwards to thirty feet over their trailer or tent to advertise 
their merchandise specialty.  And, 2) Because the flea market setting offers a great deal 
of seller freedom, many ?express their individuality [by creating] a ?catch? to sell their 
merchandise? (LaLone et al. 1993: 7).  Such advertisements may range from ?a theme, 
such as Disney memorabilia, to supporting a charitable cause, such as ?Save the 
Dolphins? or ?Hurricane Relief?? (LaLone et al. 1993: 7).  An example observed at the 
Lee County Flea Market of such ?merchandising/display techniques? would be the 
Native American memorabilia booth, specializing in Southern Indian heritage antiques. 
 For Act Three, Recruitment of Actors and Training for Roles, in the case of the 
flea market ?show?, the recruitment of actors will constitute the procurement of 
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merchandise.  This may be accomplished through outside sources such as tag sales, 
auctions, estate sales, thrift stores and the like, while much is bought and sold within the 
flea market setting, seller to seller.  (It should be noted, however, that larger flea market 
businesses which have been very successful financially do hire additional part-time help 
(or recruit more actors) to man their booths at various flea market locations.)  
 In the same manner, training for roles will constitute being thoroughly educated 
on one?s merchandise, which will, in turn, further the seller?s expertise in the bargaining 
process.  To be successful both financially and socially in the flea market setting, a flea 
market seller must not only be thoroughly educated on his or her own merchandise, but 
that of competitors and items of general popularity in the area.  ?This requires much 
research on the part of the [seller] in order to be able to recognize marketable 
merchandise, avoid misvaluing an item he or she plans to sell, and recongiz[e] items 
being sold at undervalued prices? (LaLone et al. 1993: 6).  A seller may expand his or her 
merchandise knowledge using several resources: visiting museums, fine antique stores 
and auction houses to study prices; reading trade show, collectible, antique and home 
magazines; and speaking with other flea market sellers of their experiences. 
 In Act Four, the Enactment, the potential flea market seller has completed 
preparations for his or her performance and the flea market ?show? begins.  Once sellers 
become ?regulars? at a particular flea market or circuit of markets, they begin to learn the 
?do?s and don?ts? of flea market selling, strategies utilized by flea market buyers and the 
?ins and outs? of bargaining, all of which can only come with experience.  In addition, 
they will also become familiar with the general rules of conduct or social norms which 
govern the flea market setting.   
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 In the fifth and final Act, the New Definition of the Situation, flea market sellers 
become more experienced and a period of appraisal will follow concerning ?the effect of 
the action on the definition of the situation, both for the actors (sellers) and for the 
audience (buyers)? (Hare and Blumberg 1988: 4).  At this point, sellers may decide to 
return to conventional retail or grow their flea market business further, by expanding 
clientele and merchandise selection. 
The ?Formalities? and ?Informalities? of Flea Marketing 
 In Goffman?s dramaturgical analogy, the front region in all social interaction is 
the ?parallel of the stage front in a theatrical performance? (Ritzer 2004: 212).  In the 
case of the flea market setting, the front region constitutes all physical attributes (display 
tables, booths, signs, merchandise) of the flea market ?show? as well as any and all 
public behavior.   
 Within the front region, of particular importance to the flea market seller is his or 
her appearance to flea market buyers as well as his or her manner in selling technique.  
Flea market sellers go to great lengths to ?market themselves and their merchandise? 
(LaLone et al. 1993: 6).  A popular strategy employed to do so is to take on an adverse 
fa?ade from their everyday appearance by ?dressing down,? or conveying an image of 
being ?unsuccessful or poor? (LaLone et al. 199:6).  ?Wealthier [buyers] have also 
picked up on this strategy and wear ?disguises? in order to? (LaLone et al. 1993: 6-7), 
strike harder bargains with flea market sellers.  These buyers realize that wearing finer 
clothing and expensive accessories will tip off flea market sellers to the fact that they do 
not, in actuality, need a discount, but are accustomed to and financially able to pay the 
full asking price, if not more.  
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 Similarly, flea market sellers realize that the manner of their selling technique has 
a great deal to do with how successful or unsuccessful they will be financially in the flea 
market setting.  Similar to ?dressing down?, many times a seller?s ?sales tactic? is very 
different than his or her personality in everyday life.  A flea market seller will generally 
display one of two types of selling techniques.  The first, a harsh, aggressive manner 
?may give the impression that the actor [seller] expects to be the one who will initiate the 
verbal interaction and direct its course? (Goffman 1959:24).  With a harsh, aggressive 
manner the flea market seller will be thought of as a ?hard-sell,? a tough bargainer, or a 
more experienced and professional salesperson.  The second, a humble, apologetic 
manner ?may give the impression that the actor [seller] expects to follow the lead of 
others, or at least that he [or she] can be lead to do so? (Goffman: 1959: 24).  With a 
humble, apologetic manner the flea market seller will be thought of as a ?soft-sell,? one 
who befriends the buyer, or a rather timid and inexperienced salesperson. 
 It was observed that a majority of the sellers at the Lee County Flea Market 
display the latter sales technique, the ?soft sell, which is not at all the aggressive nature of 
selling that one would expect in this setting.  Most sellers tended to quote prices of what 
was being browsed as more of an aside than an actual selling technique.  For instance, 
?Just so you know?all hats are five dollars.?  In fact, in many cases, I, the buyer, had to 
be the aggressor on pricing, by being the first to speak to the seller and not the other way 
around.  For this reason, a good number of sellers at the Lee County Flea Market could 
be classified into the selling technique category of ?sitting sellers.?  By ?sitting sellers? I 
mean that most sellers encountered sat behind their booth/table and only spoke when 
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spoken to; it was rare to find a seller standing or being the slightest bit ?physically 
aggressive? with buyers who passed by. 
 Opposite this front region, in Goffman?s dramaturgical analogy, the back region is 
a ?place to which the actors can retire to prepare themselves for their performance.  
Backstage or offstage, in theater terms, the actors can shed their roles and be 
themselves?(Ritzer 2004: 212).  During a theatrical performance the back region is 
located adjacent to the front region, but also cut off from it.  In the case of the flea market 
setting no actual back region may exist, so two alternatives emerge.  Because many times 
a flea market setting will not contain a physical back region, ?show? preparation is 
oftentimes conducted at a seller?s residence.  Or the back region may be simply a 
differential in time, before the flea market opens and after the flea market closes. 
 Based on observations at the Lee County Flea Market, the more permanent flea 
market sellers had very distinct back regions as compared to the alternative back regions 
of the more temporary sellers.  The more permanent or ?regular? sellers, usually located 
along the inside lining of sheltered booths, had access to their own personal locked 
storage facility in which many stored their merchandise during nonbusiness hours.  This 
storage facility acted as their ?physical? back region before, during and after the flea 
market ?show.?  The more temporary sellers, however, usually located along the outside 
lining of sheltered booths or in outdoor spaces, had access to only alternative back 
regions, those being in some other setting than the actual flea market ?show? or before 
and after business hours each day. 
 In the flea market setting, two types of behaviors characterize the back region, 
whether physical or time differential.  The management of merchandise is the first type of 
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behavior.  In the back region, merchandise must be procured, either through handcrafting, 
rummaging or buying.  Then merchandise must be made ready to sell, which oftentimes 
includes a period of ?fixing up? and pricing.  Language behavior also characterizes the 
back region.  In the absence of buyers (the audience), flea market sellers display informal 
and familiar language behavior only privy to them while in the back region.  During this 
time, sellers will be comfortable to express opinions, either personal or business-related, 
use nicknames and engage in questionable behavior such as smoking or the telling of 
elicit jokes or life experiences. 
Discrepancies in Flea Marketing 
 In addition to the ?cast of characters? already mentioned, there exist supporting 
actors and actresses in any flea market setting.  These supporting roles are deemed 
discrepant roles because they are neither main actors, audience members nor outsiders.  
Although not based upon specific individuals found in the Lee County Flea Market 
setting, these theoretical ?discrepant roles? were created by a weaving together of 
Goffman?s dramaturgical analogies with broad observations made in the field setting. 
 An informer is one who is an accomplice of the flea market seller.  The informer 
often acts before buyers (audience members) are present, before the flea market opens 
and after the flea market closes.  This is done to lower suspicion.  The informer will 
strive to ensure the trust of other sellers by pretending to be a seller himself or herself.  
The informer ensures the trust of fellow sellers in order to gain information on 
competitors? merchandise and prices to inform the buyers that his or her accomplice?s 
merchandise is better and cheaper. 
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 Similar to the informer, the shill is one who pretends to be flea market buyer 
(audience member), but is really in an alliance with the seller.  The shill takes on this role 
in order to influence the behavior of that seller?s audience.  By doing so, the shill acts as a 
?model audience member? setting the stage for bargaining.  The motivation of the shill is 
to make merchandise items appear more valuable and wanted by driving up prices during 
the bargaining process. 
 Similar to the informer and shill, the spotter is a flea market seller, or an 
accomplice of the seller, who scopes out the competition?s merchandise, pricing and 
display techniques to ensure that the he or she is keeping up with the competition, 
outdoing them and so on. 
 Almost identical to the informer, the shopper is a flea market seller who pretends 
to be a buyer in order to gain information on competitors? merchandise and prices.  By 
doing so, the shopper informs buyers that his or her merchandise is of better quality and 
cheaper than the competition. 
 The go-between or mediator is one who has loyalties to both flea market buyers 
and flea market sellers.  The best example of a go-between or mediator in the flea market 
setting would be members of flea market management, who have the best interests of 
both the buyers and sellers to contend with. 
 A non-person is one who does not disguise his or her role or intention in the flea 
market setting.  The non-person is present during the flea market ?show? but does not 
participate in it.  The best example of a non-person in the flea market setting would be the 
hired help or family members of a seller who help set up or do grunge work throughout 
the day but would not be considered ?actors? in the actual ?show.? 
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 A service specialist is one who has back region access but does not take part in 
the flea market ?show? itself.  In addition, a service specialist ?does not share the risk, 
guilt or satisfaction of presenting before an audience (buyers) the performance to which 
he [or she] has contributed? (Goffman 1959: 153-155).  The best example of a service 
specialist in the flea market setting would a merchandise source connection, such as a 
wholesale manufacturer, handicraft artist or carpenter, etc. 
 A confidant is one who counsels the flea market seller.  Typically, confidants 
remain outside of the flea market ?show? and possess knowledge of the ?show? only 
through a seller?s accounts.  Examples of confidants in the flea market setting may 
include: 1) Fellow sellers not in direct competition with that particular seller; (For 
instance, a ?wholesaler? confiding in a ?dealer? for advice or to vent.) 2) Family 
members; or 3) Sellers from other flea market regions. 
 When a flea market business grows large enough, ?teams of sellers? may exist.  
One team member may sell in one location and the other in another location.  Or they 
may sell at the same location, but on different weekends.  Colleagues, then, are part of a 
larger flea market business but do not operate at the same time or at the same location. 
 A renegade is one who has worked with a flea market seller in the past, either as a 
colleague or apprentice, but who has since left the ?team?.  The renegade will use skills 
learned to start his or her own flea market business in direct competition with the ex-
colleague. 
?Defensive? and ?Offensive? Flea Marketing 
 According to Goffman, the aim of any performance in social interaction is for the 
actor to convey an idealized image of himself or herself, by creating a desired and 
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favorable impression before the audience.  This sentiment holds true in the flea market 
setting.  Flea market sellers utilize selling, merchandising and display techniques as well 
as quality and selection of merchandise to present an idealized image of their flea market 
business to captivate the audience, the flea market buyer.  This favorable impression, 
however, is not possible without defensive measures used by flea market sellers to save 
their own ?show? and offensive or protective measures used by flea market buyers to 
help sellers save their own ?show.? 
 Although specific measures were not directly observed in the Lee County Flea 
Market setting, these theoretical concepts were derived from a weaving together of 
Goffman?s impression management analogies and broad observations made in the field 
setting.  First, three factors constitute defensive measures used by flea market sellers to 
save their own ?show?: Dramaturgical Loyalty, Dramaturgical Discipline and 
Dramaturgical Circumspection.  
 The basic application of dramaturgical loyalty to sellers in the flea market setting 
is ?sincerity in one?s merchandise.?  A flea market seller, as with any type of salesperson, 
can only be successful financially if they believe in the product they are selling.  To do 
so, the flea market seller must: accept and abide by the social norms or rules of conduct 
that govern the flea market setting; concentrate on selling the quality of their merchandise 
and rely less on mystification techniques; and avoid denouncing other sellers and their 
merchandise and therefore maintaining a good ?word of mouth? reputation. 
 The basic application of dramaturgical discipline to sellers in the flea market 
setting is ?striving to be professional at all times, in a rather ?unprofessional? and chaotic 
business setting.?  Unlike mainstream retail, where business owners ?run the show? and 
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are fairly capable of containing and preventing scenes, in such an unstructured setting 
such as the flea market, the flea market seller must be able to cope with change on the 
spur of the moment.  Such instances may include: extreme weather conditions, customer 
disputes, inappropriate situations and behavior, etc.  In addition, not only does the flea 
market seller need to be confident in his or her own merchandise knowledge and 
expertise, but the flea market seller needs to be seasoned enough to gauge his or her 
selling technique to suit each customer, their personality and buying motive.  Above all, 
the importance of dramaturgical discipline in the flea market setting is self-control, which 
is the essential element a new business owner must possess to be successful financially in 
any retail economy. 
 The basic application of dramaturgical circumspection to sellers in the flea market 
setting is ?perfecting the bargaining process.?  In the process of perfect one?s own selling 
technique, a seller must first choose a merchandise item to sell that he or she believes in 
wholly.  Next, the seller must choose a flea market area in which to sell where their 
merchandise item is most likely to succeed.  Factors to consider in this instance would be 
an area or market where he or she will be less likely to be challenged by prospective 
competition or on their product knowledge and expertise.  In addition, flea market sellers 
need to be aware of exactly how far to stretch or elaborate the truth about an merchandise 
item in order to sell it, but at the same time knowing exactly how far one should not stray 
from the truth should they be dealing with a buyer who is knowledgeable about the 
particular item being sold.  In order to avoid stretching the truth in front of the wrong 
buyer or getting into a haggling match with a skilled bargainer, many flea market sellers 
will price their merchandise to try and avoid such occurrences.  For instance, as observed 
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in the Lee County Flea Market setting, one seller automatically ?cut? the prices when 
quoting to an inquiring buyer, ?This one is $25, but I?ll take $18 for it,? or ?This one is 
$20, but I?ll take $15 for it.?  Flea market sellers might also take advantage of being 
?new? to an area or market, therefore assuming buyers will be less likely to question their 
expertise (not knowing how much expertise they really possess).  Similarly, sellers must 
take into account that buyers may have consulted flea market price books before arriving 
at the flea market or may have shopped around at various flea markets and are very 
knowledgeable about the specific items they are looking for.  Sellers also need to 
consider that buyers may not only be knowledgeable from ?external sources,? such as the 
Internet, flea market price books or from shopping around at other flea markets in the 
area, but that it is possible they gleaned information from ?internal sources? such as 
fellow flea market buyers or speaking with other flea market sellers at another time and 
place.   
 On the other hand, offensive or protective measures used by flea market buyers to 
help sellers save their own ?show? are extremely crucial to the to the successfulness of 
the performance of a flea market seller, because the defensive measures of impression 
management are not enough to guarantee success.  To aid flea market sellers, buyers 
exhibit such offensive or protective measures on their behalf in several ways.  First, flea 
market buyers ?voluntarily refrain? from entering into a seller?s personal and/or private 
back region, whether physical or time differential.  But if they find that they are about to 
enter such a region ?they often give those already present some warning, in the form of a 
message, knock or cough, so that the intrusion can be put off it necessary or the setting 
hurriedly put back in order and proper expressions fixed on the faces of those present? 
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(Goffman 1959: 229).  Second, if an outsider or flea market buyer not included in the 
current transaction are present during a sale between a seller and another buyer, because 
physical isolation cannot be obtained by walls or distance, ?effective isolation can at least 
be obtained by convention, by tactfully acting in an uninterested, uninvolved and 
unperceiving fashion? (Goffman 1959: 230).  Flea market sellers should be weary of this, 
however, as many ?outsiders? may turn into potential buyers once information privy to 
them by witnessing these other ?performances? or transactions is obtained.  Third, not 
only sellers, but also flea market buyers, have a responsibility to adhere to the social 
norms and rules of conduct that govern the flea market setting.  In doing so, the flea 
market buyer will give these tactful considerations to the seller: the giving of the proper 
amount of attention and interest; a willingness to hold in check one?s own expertise so as 
not to introduce too many contradictions, interruptions or demands for attention; the 
inhibition of all acts or statements that might create a faux pas; and the desire, above all, 
to avoid a scene.  In the same manner, if a flea market seller should make a mistake of 
some kind, transmitting an inconsistency between the impression wanted and impression 
given, the flea market buyer should ?tactfully ?not see? the slip or readily accept the 
excuse that is offered for it? (Goffman 1959: 231-232).  And finally, just as flea market 
sellers adhere to the rule of conduct that negates seller?s have a sense of social 
responsibility not to take advantage of a buyer?s naivet?, when it is known that a flea 
market seller is ?new to selling? the flea market buyer should ?show extra consideration, 
refraining from causing the difficulties [he or she] might other[wise] create? (Goffman 
1959: 232).  Therefore, a flea market buyer should not take advantage of a flea market 
seller?s na?vet?, just as flea market sellers should do the same for a na?ve buyer. 
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 Chapter 5, Conclusions, presents a summary of relevant findings, practical, 
theoretical and empirical implications, as well as recommendations for future research.   
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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V. CONCLUSION 
 To many the flea market phenomenon is a way of life, to others it is nothing more 
than a weekend hobby, or it may hold a vast array of sentiments in between.  No matter 
the connection, it is apparent that the flea market phenomenon has created an American 
subculture, a new national pastime.  What drives this subculture is social interaction; 
interaction between fellow sellers, interaction between fellow buyers, and most 
importantly, interaction between sellers and buyers.  The social interaction between these 
buyers and sellers? social and economic worlds has shaped the flea market phenomenon 
into what it is today. 
In The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (1959), Erving Goffman outlines a 
highly imaginative method of analyzing this type of social interaction.  Goffman uses a 
metaphorical theater as his theoretical framework, which inspired the structure of this 
thesis.  Within this framework, social interaction, specifically face-to-face interaction, 
involves individuals as actors performing for an audience in a scripted manner, while 
engaging in the art of impression management.  As it pertains to the present research, in 
the flea market setting, social interaction, specifically face-to-face interpersonal 
interaction, involves flea market sellers as actors performing for flea market buyers, the 
audience, in a sell-scripted manner, with the intent to influence that audience for profit. 
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 The three main objectives of this thesis have been: 1) To provide general 
information about the flea market phenomenon.  2)  To demonstrate the flea market 
setting?s research potential in the social sciences.  And, 3) To further investigate Erving 
Goffman?s Theory of Dramaturgy and its application prospective, particularly in a social 
setting which has not been investigated in this way before.  By achieving these objectives 
this thesis offers practical, theoretical and empirical implications based on field 
observations in the flea market setting combined with knowledge gained from both 
previous academic research and flea market handbooks and guidebooks published over 
the past thirty years. 
 General information of the flea market phenomenon has been provided 
specifying: the history of flea marketing, both in Europe and the United States; various 
types of flea market settings; the profiles of flea market buyers and flea market sellers; 
merchandise found in the flea market setting and how it is procured; the process of 
bargaining; strategies employed by flea market buyers and flea market sellers; as well as 
characteristics of social interaction found in this type of setting.  This compilation of 
information from numerous academic sources is now the most thorough depiction of 
every aspect of the flea market setting.  No other source was discovered that had such a 
varied and detailed collection of information pertinent not only to flea market sellers and 
flea market buyers, but to anyone interested in the subject matter.  The practical 
implication of this complication of material is now there is a central source for 
information regarding flea market visitors, vendors, management, behind-the-scenes 
operations, structure, function, societal influence and future prospects.  In addition, it can 
now be inferred that flea markets have a very positive effect on their surrounding 
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communities.  Flea markets do not challenge conventional retail economies, as some 
might think, because they draw on a different type of buyer, looking for goods they 
cannot find at any other retail source.  Flea markets also draw these different types of 
buyers from surrounding communities boosting other facets of the local economy.  It has 
become clear that there is room in every community for both types of retail venues.      
 Through the combining of field observations with knowledge gleaned from flea 
market handbooks and guidebooks, several theoretical applications or implications have 
been made relating aspects of Erving Goffman?s Theory of Dramaturgy to aspects 
characteristic of the flea market setting.  1) The Performative Nature of Flea Marketing:  
Although any single instance of social interaction may be interpreted as a performance, 
for such interaction to become a fully-developed ?show? (as in a successful flea market 
?show?) it must complete all five stages or ?acts? of development.  These five ?acts? are 
structured in a way similar to a small business startup process found in the conventional 
retail economy and are as follows: Act One, Idea Formulation; Act Two, 
Selection/Creation of an Action Area or Stage; Act Three, Recruitment of Actors and 
Training for Roles; Act Four, Enactment; and, Act Five, Redefinition of the Situation.  2) 
The ?Formalities? and ?Informalities? of Flea Marketing: In Goffman?s metaphorical 
theater the frontstage is ?onstage? before the audience, and the backstage is ?offstage? in 
private.  In the case of the flea market setting, the front region, or frontstage, constitutes 
all physical attributes (display tables, booths, signs, merchandise) of the flea market 
?show? as well as any and all public behavior.  Within the front region, of particular 
importance to the flea market seller is his or her appearance to flea market buyers as well 
as his or her manner in selling technique.  On the other hand, in the case of the flea 
 97
market setting no physical back region, or backstage, may exist, so two alternatives 
emerge.  ?Show? preparation may oftentimes be conducted at a seller?s residence.  Or, 
the back region may be simply a differential in time, before the flea market opens and 
after the flea market closes.  Two types of behaviors characterize the back region, 
whether physical or time differential.  The management of merchandise is the first and 
language behavior is the second.  3) Discrepancies in Flea Marketing: In addition to the 
main ?cast of characters,? there exist supporting actors and actresses in any flea market 
?show.?  These supporting roles are deemed discrepant roles because they are neither 
main actors, audience members nor outsiders.  Flea market discrepant roles will fall into 
one of ten categories: Informer, Shill, Spotter, Shopper, Go-Between or Mediator, Non-
Person, Service Specialist, Confidant, Colleague and Renegade.  4) ?Defensive? and 
?Offensive? Flea Marketing: The aim of any flea market ?show? is for the actor, the flea 
market seller, to convey an idealized image of himself or herself by creating a desired and 
favorable impression before the audience, the flea market buyer.  This favorable 
impression, however, is not possible without defensive measures used by flea market 
sellers to save their own ?show? and offensive or protective measures used by flea market 
buyers to help sellers save their own ?show.?  A flea market seller?s defensive ?show?-
saving measures may include: Dramaturgical Loyalty: ?Sincerity in one?s merchandise;? 
Dramaturgical Discipline: ?Striving to be professional at all times, in a rather 
?unprofessional and chaotic? business setting;? And, Dramaturgical Circumspection: 
?Perfecting the Bargaining Process.?  A flea market buyer?s offensive or protective 
?show?-saving measures to aid the flea market seller may include: Voluntarily refraining 
from entering into private back regions; Displaying effective isolation; Being tactfully 
 98
considerate of the seller; and, Adhering to social responsibilities and rules of conduct that 
govern the flea market setting. 
 This thesis has demonstrated the flea market setting?s research potential in the 
social sciences so now recommendations for future research and empirical implications 
will be twofold: 1) Recommendations for future research calling for a closer examination 
of specific social and economic aspects of the flea market phenomenon.  And, 2) 
Recommendations for future research exploring various applications of Erving 
Goffman?s Theory of Dramaturgy in social settings other than the flea market setting. 
 As mentioned in Chapter 1, significant investigation produced only a limited 
number of research projects pertaining to the specific direction of this thesis.  The first, 
an anthropological approach, focused on four specific aspects of the Dublin Flea Market.  
These four aspects included: A classification of vendors; Strategies employed by vendors 
to maximize economic and social involvement in the flea market; Interaction between 
social and economic realms; and, Norms or rules of conduct that govern the flea market 
setting (LaLone, Godoy, Halsall and Matthews 1993: 1-13).  The second, an ethnographic 
approach, focused around three areas of interest: 1) ?The dealer or seller of yard sale 
and/or flea market commodities as an occupational type;  2) The nature of merchandise 
being sold;  And, 3) The nature of interaction found in the market atmosphere? (Miller 
1988: 56).  The third, also an ethnographic approach, explored the ?institutional 
complexity and sociocultural significance? (Sherry 1990: 13), of the Dalton Valley Flea 
Market in terms of structural and functional dimensions, specifically informal and festive 
dialectics (Sherry 1990: 13).  
 99
 Synthesizing aspects of these three relevant research projects with field research 
conducted for the purpose of this thesis, several research recommendations can be made 
calling for a closer examination of specific social and economic aspects of the flea market 
phenomenon.  First, there is great research potential in a more elaborative investigation of 
the five types of social interaction mentioned in the Dublin Flea Market study.  Each of 
the five (face-to-face interaction, building of relationships, shared identity, social bonds, 
and collective identity) could easily constitute entire research projects of their own.  
Narrowing the investigative focus from a broad category of ?social interaction? to these 
very basic levels would not only be pioneer in the study of flea marketing, but could also 
spur the analysis of other social settings in this manner.   
 Second, there is great research potential in establishing the social need of the flea 
market enterprise in today?s economy, an economy ?which has been more or less 
dehumanized by self-service and mass marketing? (Miller 1988: 59).  Further 
investigation and increased public awareness of social and economic norms which govern 
the flea market setting, (as observed in the Dublin Flea Market study), would not only 
entice flea market sellers to further uphold these norms, but might draw more consumers 
to the flea market, where buying and selling is brought back to a more personal and 
rewarding level.   
 Third, if analyzed from a Functionalist Perspective, the flea market phenomenon 
has the potential to elicit numerous latent functions (or secondary benefits) of social and 
economic importance.  Such latent functions could constitute standalone research projects 
of their own and may include: 1) Networking.  Networking in the flea market setting 
could encompass both financial networking and social networking.  With little to no 
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advertising budget for most flea market operations, and especially for individual sellers, 
word of mouth/reputation is one of the only avenues by which a seller can grow his or her 
business.  As financial networking flourishes among those who frequent the same flea 
market circuits season after season, social networking develops as a result.  Social 
networking ties can form between sellers, between buyers, and between buyers and 
sellers.  As this type of relationship may be initiated with financial motives it is not 
uncommon to hear flea market buyers and sellers refer to each other as ?family.?  2) 
Welfare.  The welfare benefits of flea marketing can be seen as twofold.  Because flea 
market prices are substantially lower than retail and a majority of flea market sellers do 
not include sales tax in their transactions, buyers with limited resources are given a 
chance at tremendous price cuts on necessities and the ability to afford second-hand 
luxuries.  In addition, merchandise items that do not sell are almost always donated at the 
end of each business day or market season to a local charity.   3) Recyclable Benefits.  In 
the same manner, the flea market not only gives individuals an outlet by which to get rid 
of unwanted items, but leftover items are often donated to charitable organizations, and 
thereby recycling a great deal of items that would normally end up in a landfill.    4) Tax 
Benefits or Tax Evasion.  Although most latent functions of the flea market setting are 
seen as secondary benefits, not all may be as positive in nature.  The same ?welfare? 
benefits that may aide buyers with limited resources in decreasing their spending, while 
at the same time increasing sellers? profits, may have long-term negative affects on both 
deficient sales taxes and fraudulent income taxes.  Further investigation into this possible 
tax evasion tactic is needed.   
 101
 Fourth, in the flea market setting there is great research potential in the 
application of Erving Goffman?s (1967) theoretical concept of ?the nature of deference 
and demeanor.?  Focusing primarily on demeanor, ?that element of the individual?s 
ceremonial behavior typically conveyed through deportment, dress and bearing, which 
serves to express to those in his immediate presence that he is a person of certain 
desirable or undesirable qualities? (Goffman 1967: 77), specific aspects of the buyer and 
seller strategy ?dressing down? or ?acting down,? as explained in more detail in Chapter 
2, can be further investigated.  Because demeanor ?involves attributes derived from 
interpretations others make of the way in which the individual handles himself during 
social intercourse? (Goffman 1967: 78), the complexity of this strategy can be best 
understood in terms of demeanor and its manipulation on the bargaining process.   
 And fifth, in the same manner, there is even greater research potential in further 
investigating the strategy of ?dressing down? or ?acting down? by applying Erving 
Goffman?s (1963) theoretical concepts of ?tightness? and ?looseness.?  By doing so, in 
addition to explaining how this strategy manipulates the bargaining process, 
incorporating elements of this strategy into a study?s methodology, an observer might be 
able to accomplish two tasks.  1) By investigating flea market settings in the same 
clothing, the observer might be able to prevent and control prejudice in impression and 
interaction treatment.  And, 2) By investigating flea market settings in a purposeful 
variation of clothing, depicting extremes in social class, the observer might be able to 
witness the different types of reactions and interactions that accompany disparities in 
?tightness? and ?looseness? in clothing, figuratively speaking. 
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 There have been numerous papers published applying Erving Goffman?s Theory 
of Dramaturgy to a number of social settings and events.  Together these works inspired 
the objectives of this thesis and abetted in drawing applications between dramaturgical 
concepts and aspects of the flea market setting.  In a similar fashion, recommendations 
for future research exploring various applications of Erving Goffman?s Theory of 
Dramaturgy in social settings other than the flea market setting has led to the proposal of 
potential application in the cosmetics industry, specifically employees of cosmetic 
counters located within department stores.  This application would be modeled after an 
unpublished paper by Kelly Kraft (n.d.), in which employees of the Walt Disney Store 
were studied using an ethnographic approach.  It is proposed that a dramaturgical analysis 
could be applied to at least three aspects characteristic of the cosmetic counter employee 
and the companies who train them.  These applications could include: 1) The use of 
selling scripts: by classifying stages in the transaction process as scenes in a play, 
viewing training material and training sessions as preparation backstage for frontstage 
performances and analyzing the uniformity of cosmetic counters and their employees 
around the country as a function of a larger dramaturgical team.  2)  The use and/or 
manipulation of staging: by analyzing frontstage and backstage behavior (such as mock 
role-playing and formality vs. informality) as well as the role that merchandising and 
display techniques play in the performance being given.  And, 3) Tactics of impression 
management: by necessitating how cosmetic companies use training materials, training 
sessions, free products and lucrative incentives to ensure their employee?s ?sincerity in 
one?s performance? (Kivisto 2001: 324). 
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